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Nos. 1112. 






Abyssinia : Archaeology. Account of the newly-discovered Ruins at Sellali. (Illustrated.) 


Africa: Congo. Notes on Unusual Form of Tatu. (Illustrated.') E. TOKDAY 2 

Africa, East. A Ceremony at a Mugumu or Sacred Fig-tree of the A'Kikuyu of East 

Africa. M. W. H. BEECH, M.A 51 

Africa, East. A few Notes on the Wasanye. A. WERNER 107 

Africa, East. A'Kikuyu Fairy Talcs (Rogano). CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT ... 6, 14, 44 

Africa, East. A Pokomo Funeral. Miss A. WERNER 38 

Africa, East. Circumcision Ceremonies among the Amwimbe. ( With Plate I J.). G. ST. 


Africa, East. Suicide amongst the A'Kikuyu of East Africa. MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A. 30 
Africa, East. The Sacred Fig-tree of the A'Kikuyu of East Africa. MERVYN W. H. 


Africa, East. Two Galla Legends. Miss A. WERNER 53 

Africa, East: Linguistics. Endo Vocabulary. MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A 42 

Africa: Marmariea. Nomad Burials in Marmarica. (Illustrated.) ORIC BATES, B.A. ... 88 

Africa, West. A Yoruba Tattoer. (Illustrated.) 3. W. SCOTT MACFIE ... 68 

Africa, West. Shongo Staffs. (With Plate L. and Illustrations. ~) J. W. SCOTT MACFIE, 

M.A., B.Sc 96 

Africa, West : Folk Stories. Two Ekoi Stories. P. AMAURY TALBOT 4 


America, South : Chile. A Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise in Northern Chile. 


America. See also CANADA ; PERU. 

Archaeology. The Origin of the Dolmen. (Illustrated.) G. ELLIOT SMITH, F.R.S. ... 105 

Archaeology: Prehistoric. Flint Implements of Man from the Middle Glacial Gravel 

and Chalky Boulder Clay of Suffolk. J. REID MoiH 19 

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Problems of Flint Fracture. J. REID MOIR, F.G.S 29' 

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Problems of Flint Fracture. S. HAZZLEDINE WARREN, F.G.S. 20 

Archaeology: Prehistoric. Subcrag Flints. ALFRED BELL 40 

Archaeology : Prehistoric. What is a Natural Eolith ? C. J. GRIST, M.A. 39 


Australia, South. Burial Customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South Australia. 

(With Plate D. and Illustrations.) HERBERT BASEDOW, M.D. 26 

Borneo and Java. Note on the Natives of the Eastern Portion f Borneo and Java. 


Borneo, British North. On a Collection of Stone Implements from the Tempassuk District, 

British North Borneo. (Illustrated.) IVOR H. N. EVANS. B.A 86 

Canada: Anthropology. Indian Tribes of Canada. C. M. BARBEAU 69 

Cape Colony : Archaeology. Pygmy Implements from Cape Colony. (Illustrated.) \\ . 


China : Hong Kong. A Chine se Phallic Stone. STAFF-SURG. KENNETH H. JONES, M.B. R.N. 41 
Egypt : Archaeology. The Earliest Perfect Tombs. (With Plate K.) W. M. FLINDERS 

PETRIE, D.C.L., F.R.S 85 

Egypt : Folklore. Some Cairene Amulets for Houses and for Horses and Donkeys. (With 

Plate A.) W. L. HILDBURGH 1 

Egypt: Sudan. Ancient Mealing Holes at Jebelain, Sudan. (With Plate M.) H. W. 


England: Archaeology. Description of Vase found on Nunwell Down, Isle of Wight. 

(Illustrated.) O. G. S. CRAWFORD 12 

England: Archaeology. Excavations on Beacon Hill, Hampshire. (With Diagram*.) C. 

L. WOOLLEY. With Prefatory Note by LORD CARNARVON 5 

Ethnology. Note on Certain Obsolete Utensils in England. (With Plate C.and Illustrations.) 




A. Cairene Amulets ... ... ... ... ... With No. 1 

B. Gandhara Relief, Representing the Story of King Sivi ,, H 

C. An Old Room in Mr. Digby-Wyatt's House, Weston-Corbett, Hants ;.. ... 18 

D. Burial Customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South Australia .".. ... 26 

E. A Gold Beaker from Lambayeque, Peru ... ' 37 

F. The Pleasing of the God Thangjing ,. 50 

G. Lord Avebury... ... ... ... ... ... 56 

H. Ceremonial Dance ; from an Ancient Vase, Chicama Valley, Peru ... ... ... 65 

i-j. Circumcision Ceremonies among the Amwimbe ... ... ... ... ... ' 79 

K. The Earliest Perfect Tombs 85 

L. Shongo Staffs ..'. 96 

M. Ancient Mealing Holes at Jebelain, Sudan ... ... ... JQ3 


N.B. Photograph, unless otherwise stated. 

Unusual Form of Tatu. {Drawings.') ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... With No. 2 

Figs. ] , 2. Tumulus at the " Severn Barrows," Highclere, N. Hampshire. (Drauings.*) 5 

Nunwell Vase ... ... ... ... ... 12 

Figs. 1-3. Bronze Age Skulls. (Drawings.*) ... ... ... ... ... 12 

Figs. 1-3. Obsolete Utensils in England. {Drawings.') 18 

Fig. 1. Shattered long bones of the legs and fragments of an ulna and radius ... ... ,. 26 

Fig. 2. Superior extremities of left femur and right ulna ... ... ... 26 

Fig. 1. Details of figure on Gold Beaker from Lambayeque, Peru. (Drawing) ... 37 

Fig. 1. Nongshaba and his wife Sarunglaima being carried to the Lai-Sang ,, 50 

Fig. 2. The Enticing of Thangjing ... ... ... 5Q 

Fig. 1. Scottish Pygmy Flints of Indian Type. (Drawing.*) } , 58 

Fig. 2. Pygmy Core. (Drawing.*) 53 

Fig. 3. Pygmy Flint found in 1906 at Birkwood, Banchory (twice natural size). 

(Drawing.*) ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Fig. 1. Painted Design : from an Ancient Vase, Nasca Valley, Peru. (Drawing.) ... 

Fig. 2. Ceremonial Dance : from an Ancient Vase, Chicama Valley, Peru. (Drawing.*) ., 

Fig. 3. Figure of Centipede : from an Ancient Vase, Nasca Valley, Peru. (Drawing.*) ., 

Figs. 4, 5. Centipede Motive : from an Ancient Vase, Nasca Valley, Peru. (Draivings.*) 

Fig. 1. Yoruba Tattooer n 

Fig. 2. Tattooer's Knife. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ?) 

Pygmy Implements from base of Sand Dunes, Fish Hook, Cape Colony ... ;) 

Figs. I-IV. Stone Implements from the Tempassuk District, B.N. Borneo 

Figs. 1-3. Graves in Marmarica. (Drawings). , _ n 

Fig. 4. Signs incised on Stones. (Drawing.*) ... ?) 

Figs. 5a, 5b, 8. Cairns. (Drawings.*) 

Fig. 6. Burial of Adult Woman. (Drawing.) ?) 

Figs. 7a, 7b. Silver Rings. (Drawings*) ... ... ... ... ... 

Fig. 9. Burial of an Old Woman. (Drawing.*) ... ... ... ... 

Ground Plan of Ruins at Tchegi. (Drawing.*) ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Figs. I-V. Patterns of Carved Stone work. (Drawings.*) ... ... ?) 

Fig. 1. Wooden Vessel ... ... ... ... ... 

Fig. 2. Smaller Staffs ... ... 

Fig. 1. Profile drawing of the Cranium of the Woman's Skull. (Drawing.*) |? 

Fig. 2. Full-face drawing of the same. (Drawiti'g .*) ... ... g^ 

Fig. 3. Verbea view of the same. (Drawing.*) ... -.-.-. ... - gy 

An unusual form of Tiki. (Drawing.) gg 

Chandi Kalasan. (Drawing.*) ... JQQ 

s. 1-5. Diagrams illustrating the Evolution of the Dolmen. (Draivings.*) 105 



-V..B. The lumbers to which an asterisk is added are those of Reviews of Books. 


BARBEAU, C. M., 69. 

BARRETT, CAPTAIN W. E. H., 6, 14, 44. 



BEECH-, M. W. H., 3, 13, 30, 42, 51. 



BRETON, A. C., 33*, 60*. 

BROWNE, G. ST. J. ORDE, 79. 

C., H. A. A., 48*. 
CLARK, J. COOPER, 84*, 100*. 
Cox, REV. W. H., 106. 
CRAWFORD, 0. G. S., 12. 
CROOKE, W., 34*. 

DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, 11, 25*, 45*, 


EARP, F. R., 71*, 93*. 
EDGE-PARTINGTON, J., 18, 91*, 98. 
EVANS, IVOR H. N., 86. 

GRIST, C. J., 39. 

HADDON, A. C., 59*, 61*, 99*. 

HAMILTON, A., 52. 

HARTLAND,E. SIDNEY, 15*, 54*, 83*, 94*. 

HILDBURGH, W. L., 1, 67, 82. 

HOCART, A. M., 80. 

HODSON, T. C., 27, 32*, 66, 104. 

JOYCE, T. A., 7*, 11, 37, 65. 

KEITH, A., 90*, 92*, 97. 
L., A. L., 16*, 76*. 

M., C. R., 70*. 

M., J. L., 109*. 

MACFIE, J. W. SCOTT, 68, 96. 


MOIR, J. REID, 19, 29. 

N., 110*. 

PARKYN, E. A., 23*, 72*. 
PARSONS, F. G., 22*. 

R., H. A., 111*. 
RIVERS, W. H. R,, 28. 
ROSCOE, J., 75*. 

S., R. A., 8*. 

SCHELTEMA, J. F., 100*. 

SELIGMANN, C. G., 24*, 74*. 
SETON-KARR, H. W., 103. 

T., A. J. N., 35*, 47*. 
TALBOT, P. AMAURY, 4, 108. 
TORDAY, E., 2, 62*, 112*. 

WERNER, Miss A., 38, 53, 107. 
WOOLLEY, C. L., 5. 
WRIGHT, T. F., 43. 


MAN, 1913 

FIO. 5. 

F1&. 6. 






. All communications printed in MAN are stoned or initialled by their 
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed. 

N.B. MAN, 1913, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets, of at least sixteen 
pages each, printed in single column; containing " Original Articles" and substantial 
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

JV.B. Articles published in MAN should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on page 4 should be quoted as MAN, 1913, 3. 


Egypt : Folklore. With. Plate A. Hildburgh. 

Some Cairene Amulets for Houses and for Horses and Donkeys. I 

By W. L. Hildburgh. I 

House Amulets. Upon house fronts in Cairo, over doorways or within them, in 
the fronts of the small open shops of the native quarters, and in other situations 
similarly exposed to the glances of eyes, possibly envious or naturally evil- working, 
amulets are very often placed in order to provide against mischance resulting to the 
property so exposed or to its owners. The objects mentioned below are in use by 
the Mohammedan population, and, with a few exceptions, are seldom to be seeu on 
houses or in connection with shops occupied by Europeans. 

The following objects are quite commonly used against evil-working glances 
and as general protections : 

A crocodile, sometimes quite large. A favourite amulet for the doorways of 
fine residences. 

A large lizard. 

A globe-fish (tetrodont). Plate A, Fig. 1, shows a rather small specimen, which 
was formerly hung in the front of a shop, together with a lemon (see below), and 
two biunted cones of dust or earth from a sacred spot (of one of these only the 
leather loop remains). 

An open hand, sometimes formed of wood, either with or without its arm, 
sometimes an old glove filled with a stuffing material. 

An ostrich egg ; also often hung within houses as protection against the " evil 
eye." Plate A, Fig. 2, shows one mounted in bands of tin-plate (now much rusted). 

An aloe plant, usually hung with roots upward. 

A large garlic, or a bunch of small garlics. 

A string of red peppers, as ordinarily sold for cooking. 

The earliest pieces in the year of such fruits as oranges, lemons, and pomegranates 
are commonly used as shop amulets. A lemon so used is shown in Fig. 1, Plate A. 

The stalks of the first of the new wheat are often plaited into a decorative object, 

No. 1.] MAN. [1913. 

such as that shown in Fig. 3, Plate A, which forms an amulet commonly hung in the 
front of a shop to bring good luck. This object is generally renewed each year. 

A small globular gourd. Plate A, Fig. 4, shows a gourd intended for hanging in 
a doorway against " evil eye." This specimen is unusual in being ornamented with 
incised rude designs (the gourds generally used are plain), and in being larger than 
those commonly employed. The designs appear to represent animals and birds of 
indeterminate species (*the former may be intended for giraffes), lizards or crocodiles 
(both used protectively), insects (?), and scorpions or, possibly, snakes. The owner 
of this object, a Persian in the Bazaar, stated that the designs were Soudanese, and, so 
far as he knew, merely decorative. [The lengthened globular form of the gourd, the 
globe-fish, and the ostrich egg, all of which are used against the " evil eye," suggests 
that they represent some amuletic object, probably the eye-ball ; or, possibly, some 
object formerly worshipped (such as the sun's disc), degraded, by the imposition of 
new religious forms, to a vague guardianship.] 

An iron horseshoe, used either alone or in company with one or several others. 
Generally suspended with the opening downward (the arrangement dictated by con- 
venience) ; occasionally, but rarely, with the opening upward. A horseshoe is some- 
times fastened to the doorstep. The number of the nail-holes in the horseshoes used as 
amulets varies, appearing to be of no moment ; when five (as in a specimen obtained) 
or seven it is probably considered to add efficacy to the amulet. 

Less commonly used than the above are : 
An old shoe (compare below).- 
A small hairy mammal. 

Horns of cattle or sheep. (These are fairly common in connection with 
shops kept by Italians at Cairo, but occur only occasionally in connection 
with native shops.) 

Amulets for Horses and Donkeys. Almost every horse or donkey owned or 
driven by a native wears one or, often, several protective objects. Commonest 
amongst these, and almost always present, is a bell or something that jingles (some- 
times barely audibly), such as a series of coins, or imitation coins, on a chain, or 
even a pebble in a small metal box. 

Beads, mostly blue, are worn against the effect of the " evil eye " and envy. 
They are generally hung round the neck, but sometimes only a few are worn, hung 
between the eyes. (See Figs. 7 and 6, Plate A.) 

Brass coins or imitation coins are worn as similarly protective. One is shown 
in Fig. 6, Plate A. 

Cowry shells are very commonly worn. Examples of two of their numerous 
modes of application are shown in Figs. 5 and 6, Plate A. 

An old shoe, generally that of a child, may frequently be seen suspended from 
the necks of horses or camels. 

Many horses and donkeys have a bit of red ribbon or red cloth tied to some 
part of their harness. Several inquiries as to the purpose of this met with the 
reply that it had no meaning : the insignificant size and the valuelessness of the red 
pieces seem, however, to indicate either that it is intended as protective (probably 
against sorcery or the " evil eye ") or is a survival of a belief in its efficacy as 
a protection. Numbers of horses also wear many-coloured bunches of long rags 
or ribbons upon their heads such bunches as might, by analogy with amulets else- 
where, be supposed to be amuletic but these were always said to be merely for the 
purpose of keeping off the flies and to have no occult protective intention. 

A piece of catskin, hung from the neck, is quite commonly worn by horses. 
(See Fig. 5, Plate A.) 

A small tuft of hair is fairly frequently worn on the forehead by horses. The 

[ 2 ] 



[Nos. 1-2, 

specimen shown in Fig. 6, Plate A, is the tip of a tail, and appears to be either 
badger's hair or an imitation of badger's hair. (In European countries badger's hair 
is a favourite protection for horses.) 

Written charms are, of course, commonly used. Fig. 7, Plate A, shows a 
string of beads (dark blue, light blue, white, and colourless) and small bells, to which 
a leather case containing a written charm is attached ; it was formerly worn by a 
donkey. The heart-shaped, cloth-covered object of Fig. 5, Plate A, probably contains 
a written charm, or, possibly, some substance considered to be protective or medicinal. 

Metal chains, with bells and ornaments attached, especially crescents and cases 
(often empty) like those for written charms, are commonly worn. 


Africa : Congo. 
Note on Unusual Form of Tatu. By E. Torday. 

Many natives of the Belgian Congo are past masters in the art of ornamenting 
their skins with cicatrices, and though the designs vary according to the tribe, a close 
similarity exists between them. African cicatrization falls into two main groups ; 



in the first are those scars which, by artificially retarding the healing process are 
made to form raised knobs above the surface of the skin ; these knobs are invariably 
darker in colour than the surrounding skin. The second class consists of small, faint 
scars, produced by removing a small, approximately circular portion of the cuticle ; 
these when healed" form slight depressions, and are usually of a lighter tint than the 
rest of the skin. This second class of scarification is less common, and is found 
principally among the Batetela. But a third class exists, although it has not as 
yet attracted much notice. Among the Bena Lulua, a Baluba people, the practice 
is followed of scoring lines in the skin, to form curvilinear patterns of greater or 
less complication, which do not project above the skin surface. This method is of 
particular interest, since practically the only parallel is furnished by the Maori 
of New Zealand. The accompanying drawing, by Mr. Norman Hardy, shows the 
design, produced by the above method, on a man of this tribe. 

Women only scar their abdomen in this way ; some females, however, have scars 
similar to those of men in the face. 

r 3 ] 

No. 3.] MAN. [1913. 

Africa, East. Beech. 

The Sacred Fig-tree of the A-Kikuyu of East Africa. By Mervyn 

W. H. Beech, M.A. 

The mugumu, a species of ficus akin to the cafensis, which has not yet been 
definitely determined, is the sacred fig-tree of the A-Kikuyu. It is found growing 
either by itself or as a parasite, and its most noticeable feature is the fact that, if 
an incision be made in its bark, a white, sticky, rubber-like fluid exudes. From the 
likeness of this fluid to milk can be traced the origin of the sanctity of the tree. 

It is said that Ngai (God) dwells in the clouds above, although it is distinctly 
stated that his abode is not within it. A Mu-Kikuyu described the tree to me as 
"the child of God." 

These fig-trees are by no means uncommon, but only comparatively few of them 
are sacred. In the location of the Patriarch Kioi wa Nagi, in the Dagoreti district 
near Nairobi, there are only two sacred fig-trees. One of these, at Mbagathi river> 
is a parasite on a tree called ithare, whilst the other is situated at Mbuthi, and is 
growing by itself. The actual piece of ground from which this mugumu springs is 
called Wamboi, which, again, is a very common woman's name in Kikuyu. 

The question arises as to why some mugumu are sacred and others not. The 
only answer obtained was that all are potentially sacred, but that the special one* 
favoured of Ngai are only found out by testing them all. If the prayers that are 
uttered beneath them are answered doubtless Ngai is at hand, but if they are not 
heard it is obvious that Ngai cannot be present, and that the tree, therefore, is not 
sacred. Great height is one of the necessary peculiarities of a sacred mugumu \ for 
doubtless the higher the tree the nearer it is to Ngai. Its sanctity cannot be decided 
in accordance with the particular tree on which the fig-tree has decided to bestow 
its favours, for, as we have seen, it can be sacred irrespective of whether it be a 
parasite or no. 

The mugumu, then, is a medium through which prayers ascend to Ngai. Beneath 
its leafy branches men pray for riches and women that they may bear offspring. 
Under its kindly shade men pray for the blessings of rain, without which their crops 
will not grow, nor will there be fresh green grass for their cattle and sheep, and 
without which nothing but stanvation faces them. 

Candidates for circumcision on the day before the ceremony that makes them 
fully and finally adults, break off branches of its leaves and take them to the house 
where the operation is to take place ; for its magic leaves will ensure fertility not 
only to the women and men but also to their cattle, sheep and goats. 

It was first, I believe, discovered by Mr. C. W. Hobley that to ensure pregnancy 
women smear themselves with the milky juice of the tree. This they do from the 
feet upwards, finishing on the crowns of their heads. To ensure fertility to the 
cattle, sheep, and goats, fat is mixed with the milk of the tree. This is then sprinkled 
on the tree-trunk, and at the same time on the flocks, which have previously been 
driven underneath the tree for the purpose. For the same reason men also gather 
the leaves of the tree and sleep upon them, the fertility apparently passing from the 
leaves to themselves and from themselves to their flocks. 

To " make it more likely that a request be granted " sacrifices are made under 
the tree and goats or sheep are slaughtered. The sacrificer and his friends eat half 
or more of the meat and leave the rest. Only it is obligatory to leave the breast : 
sometimes, however, the head and tongue are also bestowed upon Ngai. The fat 
and blood is sprinkled about and native beer (njohf) is poured on the tree-trunk. It 
is not permissible for the sacrificer to return and see whether the feast has been 
consumed by the hungry god or no. 

[ 4 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 3. 

Thus it is that the mugumu is credited with having an enormous influence on 
births both of men and animals. It is a manifestation of Ngai as a divinity of 

Originally it is probable that only requests for fertility were addressed to the 
tree. Nowadays its functions would appear to be extended. All tribal disputes are 
arbitrated upon by eight Elders, of whom four are chosen by each litigant, provided 
these Elders have passed the necessary wisdom test and been admitted to one of 
the various grades of Athuri or Elders. These Elders repair to the mugumu and 
slaughter there a sheep or a goat (provided by the parties to the suit) in order 
apparently that their wits may be sharpened and become "fertile." The litigation, 
however, does not take place under the sacred tree. This arbitration board is called 
the kiama, a word equivalent to the Swahili kikoa and meaning a " gathering." 

In view of the above properties of the tree it is interesting to note with reference 
to Professor Frazer's Golden Bough (third edition, Part I, Vol. II, pp. 249-251), 
that its wood was, before the introduction of matches, used for making fire. Indeed, 
it is still so used on one occasion at any rate to the exclusion of all other fire. 

The wood of the mugumu is used for the fire drill, but whereas one is told that 
mtarakive (Juniperus procera), mchasa (a species of vernonia), murika murinditi 
can be used as either the female, i.e., the passive stick of the fire drill or for the 
male or active stick, the mugumu, is essentially female, and may on no account 
be used as the male. This is rather the opposite of what one would expect ; but 
presumably in this case it is the voluptuous female who stretches forth her eager 
arms to embrace the reluctant male : for the male cannot but be unwilling, since 
once he has yielded to that fatal embrace his ultimate portion is death. There is 
just a possibility that the male and female tradition was borrowed, as indeed were many 
other customs, notably a method of circumcision, by the A-Kikuyu from their neigh- 
bours the Masai ; for, although the A-Kikuyu refer to the sticks definitely as the 
male and female, we find that the Kikuyu word for the male or active stick to be 
gethi-gethi or rurindi, and for the female or passive stick to be ghika. Now 
gethi-gethi is simply a noun derived from the verb ku-getha-getha, which signifies 
" to twirl between the palms of both hands." I cannot find the derivation of rurindi 
or of ghika, but it is quite certain that there is no notion of sex in either word. 

As hinted above, there is one occasion, at any rate, when the mugumu and no 
other tree must be used as the female and the mtarakwe (Juniperus procera) as the 
male. This is the occasion of kindling afresh the domestic fire after rebuilding a 
house. A Kikuyu Elder will have, say, six wives. Each of these wives has 
a house. The Elder himself has a seventh. The houses are built altogether in a 
cluster. When the Elder has built his new house, fire may not be obtained in any 
other way except by kindling it with the firedrill composed of mugumu (female) and 
mtarakwe (male). Before doing this a goat is sacrificed and a prayer is uttered, 
"Ngai eat this meat and drink this blood, and let not this fire be quenched." 

The women of the other houses may take from the fire thus kindled, but on 
no account may fire be taken from any of the other huts and be brought to the new 
one. The fire is supposed to be kept always alight in at least one of the cluster 
of huts. If the fires in all were to become extinguished at the same time the 
same ceremony would have to be performed as on the occasion of erecting a new 

As far as I could discover there are no traces of ancestor worship connected 
with the mugumu, nor are there any restrictions as to who may or may not make 
fire from it. Nor again could I find out why in making fire a number of trees could 
be used both actively and passively. Old fire sticks even those made of mugumu 

Nos. 3-4,] MAN. [1913. 

are, when used up, merely thrown away ; but, in the case of the A-Kikuyu, time, that 
ruthless destroyer of the picturesque and romantic, may have stripped the mugumu 
of much of the mysterious sanctity with which it was formerly adorned. 


Africa, West : Folk Stories. Talbot. 

Two Ekoi Stories. By P. Amaury Talbot. i 

The Ekoi live in Southern Nigeria, within the bend of the Cross River, and T 

stretch over into the German Kamerun. A vocabulary of their language, a short 

grammar, and full details concerning their customs and beliefs will be found in my 

book, In the Shadow of the Bush, recently published by Heinemann. 


Ka edogha ndipp, Obassi aiyemm 'ne num na 'ne-nkai, abopp etim 
In very beginning, God made person male and person-female, built hut 
akak abaw afaw. 'We atong abaw kpekpe akap ati ma aiyim na onyamm abikk 
put them in. He showed them all fruit trees for eating and animals able 
aiyim. Man ajak ka osaw. Ane mba abai are ti-ti aka menge njum 
eating. Then went on high. Persons these two lived long time knew not thing 
aiya ma na ndipp, mfonne-mfonne echiri man 'ne-num asuk kpekpe ofu 
to do with secret parts, most ignorant that man washed every day 

ndipp 'ne-nkai owe, atuba se are egyemm, aboba njann ka njinni. 

secret parts (of) wife his, thought it was wound, tied medicine on it. 

Obassi ojak ofu b't oji ienn abaw, aienn 'ne akisu. Obassi ataw abaw se egyenn 
God went day one go see them, saw man washing. God told them it wound 
asik. Se abaw agi ka enong, c we tikk atonge abaw nga aiyima Abaw atak 
not. He told them go to bed, he will show them how use. They went 
ka enong. Obassi ataw 'ne-num, se kak njum aji ere anaw ka ebun ka 
to bed. God told man, he said put thing that is there by the ivaist in 
egyemm nkai oa. Kpekpe ebu 'we oiyima anaw. Ka ami ma 

wound (of) wife your. All times he (should) do so. In months fete 
achingi 'we ako Oiya. 'Ne-num aiyenn oiya 'ne-nkai awwe okifang 

past she took belly (conceived). Man saw belly (of) woman his bigger 
kpekpe 'mi, atupase are emange. Kpekpe ofu 'we agbe ejing nkemm ka 

every moon, thought (she) is sick. All days he cut plenty cuts on 

oiya 'ne-nkai. Achomma ajann afu se nonge kui ngun. 

belly (of) woman, (he) rubbed medicine hot (he) told (her) lie down near fire. 
Agbe ejing nkemm are oiya okwa obak. Ka ofu etad auuma nga 
(he) cut plenty cuts was belly grew big came. On day another he wanted how 
aiyima oiya awsang. Obassi ojak se 'we ajienn abaw. Aiyenn 

to make belly finish (be as before). God went that he see them, (he) saw 
nga oiya 'ne-nkai ore e ji n g nkemm agbe na ekemm. Ataw 

how belly (of the) woman was (with) plenty cuts cut with razor. He told 
'ne-num se ka-pe anaw oiyemm, se tikk oiyuwi 'ne-nkai na nyenn 

man told not indeed so do, he say you will kill woman and good 

njum nji 'we afonni ka oiya obe. Obassi amaghe abaw. Ka ami achingi nkai 
thing which she had in belly her. God left them. In months past wife 
oe aji 'monn. Ebu aji na monni, 'ne-num abup 'ne-kai se 

his bore child. (At the) time (was) born child, man asked woman that 
nyenn njum nji Obassi ataw na se tukk ebagha. We 

(if) (it was) good thing which God spoke of (and) told (it) icould come. He 

[ 6 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 4. 

aka menge se are 'ne ga 'we-mfonue. Ka ebu aji Obassi obak. Aiyenn 
r/itl not knoiv that (it) is man like himself. At that time God came. He saw 
'inonn anong ka nsi, 'ne kpe wat akakummi. * Ataw abaw se kunun 

child lying on ground, person even one did not touch (it). He told them to lift vp 
yuum 'we aiipp. Abaw aiyimm anaw. 'We atonge abaw nga agyea 'monn r 

ivash it (with) ivater. They did so. He told them how feed child> 
aserre abaw ebu nji are ka eji jitt awnonge. Asere abaw 

he told them time which they are in place one (together) sleep. He told them 
nga 'raonn. akui kenn abaw anonge ka eji jitt. Abaw anonge 

how child (should) grow up before they should sleep in place one. (If) they slept 
eji jitt ka ebu aji, 'monn tikk akpaw. Doghe ka ebu aji ane ati. 

place one in time that, child would die. Beginning at time that persons plenty. 
Ane raba abai na doghe ane. Ut kpekpe na abonn abaw. 

Person these two in beginning of men. We all children their. 


Mfung na Ekum akicbaghe ache. Mfung adaimba abu biji 
Ox and eagle were playing game. Ox first hid body (himself) 

ejitat. Ekum Aom 'we aienn. Ataw Ekum se berre biji. Ekum 

somewhere. Eagle looked for him saw. He told eagle that hide himself. Eagle 
aberre biji, man 'we aiyenu. Ekum afibbi biji ka abang Mfung. Mfung 
hid himself, and he saw. Eagle flew himself on horns (of) ox. Ox 

ajak kpekpe ngum oam 'we. Kabagba ebu Mfung aga se 'we aom Ekum, 
ivent all places looked him. During time ox tried that he find eagle, 
'we akpini Nsun ataw 'we ut na Ekum echaga anaw achi 'me 

he met Ogilby's duiker told him we (I) and eagle playing such game I 
mberre biji eama. 'We aiyenn ngam. 'We aberre biji ebe. Nkabikk 'we 

hid self my. He saiv me. He hid self his. I could not him 
eyenuum. Mfung aji siri Ise ntsii-anyi. Asiri fenne Etuk. Ekun 

see. Ox goes told blue duikerbok same. He told also bay duiker. Eagle 

akare abew kpekpe obba. Ataw abaw se akasiri 

gave them, all hands (shook his hand at them all). He told them to not tell 
Mfung eji 'we are. Mfung ajak mba Nkongam, man na Ngumi na 

ox place he was. Ox went to yellow-backed duiker, then to pig and 
kpekpe onyamm na njaw errong, ajak mbocbi na mbanjimm ataw se 

all beasts and dog too, he went up and down told (and) said 

" Na-bagha ojea-ochi ! Iruk njum nga iuonn aom ngam aiyenn ka ebu mberre 
" How shameful ! Small thing like bird look for me saw in time I hid 

" biji eema man 'we aberre biji ebe 'mobikk 'we eyenuum." Asiri fenne Njokk 
" self- my now he hid self his I cannot him see.' 1 ' 1 He said also to elephant 
anaw, Njokk se " Na-echi osiri ngam anaw ? " Asiri ferine ntoii-anyi 
so, Elephant said "Reason you say tome so?" He said also so 

Ikwi-nyamm, man na Ika, na Ebak, na Nyopp, na Ebi, na 

(to) monkey-killing eagle, then to ant-eater, to monitor, to porcupine, to mongoose, to 
Nkokk. Nkokk ataw " Kak paw ori. Enn Ekum ekun ka abang ama." 
fowl. Fowl said " Do not again cry. Behold eagle sitting on horns your." 

Ekum effibbi ka nsi 'we wobi monn nkokk wat akun 'we ajak. Man 

Eagle flew to ground he seized little fowl (chicken) one lifted it went. Then 
Ekum acbott na Igaw "'We kpekpe ebu wobi abonn nkokk, 'me tikk nwoba 
Eagle said to haivk " You all times seize children foicl, I will seize 
" agpatim okokk ! " Nan njum nji Igaw acbagha na ache na abonu 

" big fotvls ! " Here is reason thin hatvk plays game with children (of) 

( 7 ] 

Nos. 4-5.] 



Okokk. Ka ebu ndagha-mba Ekum awobi abonn okokk, na agpatirn okokk. 

fou-ls. In time before eagle seized children (of) fowls and big fowls. 

Ka ebu echinga 'we awoba are agpatim okokk. 

In time after he seizing is big fowls. P. AMAURY TALBOT. 

England : Archaeology. Carnarvon : "Woolley. 

Excavations on Beacon Hill, Hampshire, in August, 1912. /,',/ C 

C. L. fVoolley. With a Prefatory Note by Lord Carnarvon. U 

[My friend Mr. Woolley having a few days to spare, and the weather for this 

year being quite pleasant, we decided to try the camp on the top of Beacon Hill, 

Tom u I us at the 

"Severn Barrows " 


FIG. l. 

Hants. The results of our operations both on the top of the hill and at the 
seven barrows will be found in the paper written by Mr. Woolley. 

I may say that the results were disappointing. Most of the barrows had been 
opened in former days ; unfortunately no records exist of the earlier excavations. 
I remember the barrows being opened by my uncle, Mr. Auberon Herbert, about 1875, 
but tuc results of his researches were, as far as I know, never published ; either he or 
someone else opened the five larger tumuli. Besides the one opened this year, there 
still remains one untouched barrow. CARNARVON.] 

On the top of Beacon Hill is a fine contour-fort ; the vallum ditch and counter- 
scarp are well preserved along their entire length ; on the S.E., where a saddle joins 

[ 8 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 5. 

the hill-top to a smaller and lower hill, there is a gateway, defended by a return 
inwards of the vallum to a small gate-mound on either side of the entrance and 
by a single low traverse outside it. Over the whole of the enclosed area can be 
distinguished circles of two distinct types ; there are small round sinkings having 
a diameter of about 9 feet, and there are much larger rings marked by a shallow 
depression forming the circumference, whereas the area enclosed rises very slightly 
above the general level of the camp. On excavating one of the larger rings, which 
had a diameter of about 35 feet, we found that the inequalities of the surface 
were due merely to the upper soil, the chalk floor being more or less level. Just 
inside the ring there were numbers of large flint stones, which were less numerous 
towards the centre ; the only object found was a fragment of black bronze-age pottery. 
It may be that these large circles were pens surrounded by some kind of wattle 
or hurdling strengthened along its base with flints ; the droppings of the cattle and 
their treading would serve to raise the surface slightly ; the site of the ring-fence 
would in time be represented by a corresponding depression. The absence of any 
objects tends to exclude the idea of there having been any kind of building on the site. 
The smaller circles were hut dwellings, cut down into the chalk. The most 
interesting of these had a maximum diameter of 9 feet, a total depth of 7 feet 
4 inches, and a depth below the top of the chalk of 5 feet 10 inches ; the circle 
was irregular, the walls rough, the floor flat and smooth. The chalk and soil that 
filled the pit had never been disturbed ; throughout it produced a considerable 
quantity of burnt wood, chiefly small branches and twigs that probably came from 
the roof of this or neighbouring huts, while charcoal lay fairly thickly upon the floor. 
There were a few animal bones found, mostly of cattle, and a quantity of fragments 

FIG. 2. 

of typical plain bronze-age pottery ; two fragments came from a large well-made 
vessel with nearly vertical sides that must have been somewhat of the type of the 
burial urns. A piece of a rivetted iron blade of no great antiquity, found low down 
in the pit, had obviously worked its way down a hole or slipped from the surface. 

A second pit, close to this, produced much less in the way of either pottery or 
charcoal. Its measurements were much the same as those of the first hut. A third 
depression close to the highest point of the hill, though apparently a chalk-cut hut 
of the same type as the rest, had been re-used. Along one side of the pit was built 
a fire-place in red brick and flints laid in clay, while from the filling came fragments 
of bellarmine jugs, sack bottles, green glazed pottery, tobacco pipes, glazed bricks 
and iron objects. There can be no doubt that this was the shelter of the men who 
watched the beacon fire that has given its name to the hill ; probably the Beltane fires 
of the Middle Ages and the alarum signals of the Armada were lit upon the same 
point, a few yards from the hut, that has seen the festival beacons of recent years. 

A mile or so from Beacon Hill, by the side of the Winchester road, is a group 
of tumuli known as "The Seven Barrows." Five of these show signs of having been 
opened at some time or other ; the two smallest seemed intact, and one of these was 
excavated. It had a total diameter of about ninety feet (one side has been cut into by 
the roadway) and a present height of some six feet and a quarter. A cutting (Fig. 2) 
was made from the X.W. to the centre of the mound. The type was a peculiar one 
(see plan, Fig. 1). Round the edge ran a sort of containing-wall of chalk that had been 
thrown up against the sides of the earth mound after this was finished. In the case of 
the large tumuli there was a distinct ditch running round them, probably marking the 

[ 9 ] 

Nos. 5-6.] MAN. [1913. 

cutting from which chalk had been cut for a similar purpose, but in the case of the 
small mound excavated this depression was hardly noticeable. In the centre of the 
tumulus was a ring of flint stones, open towards the west; it was about 18 inches 
high and 4 feet wide, with a diameter inside of 10 feet ; it rested on the chalk 
floor. In the soil round the ring and above it were numerous traces of charcoal, 
and a large quantity of animal bones, mostly of cattle, though the dog also seemed 
to be represented ; there were also found two fragments of plain dark grey hand- 
made pottery, and a small piece stamped with the maggot-like striated ovals that 
commonly occur on neolithic and early bronze-age pottery. 

Inside the ring, flint nodules were numerous but lay loose in the earth filling 
and were not in any sense packed or built ; outside the ring the soil was fairly free 
from stones. At the east side of the circular space within the ring, opposite to the 
entrance, a tomb-pit was cut down into the chalk floor. It was roughly rectangular, 
measuring 3 feet by 2 feet 6 inches, and 2 feet 8 inches deep, and lying east by 
west ; its west end was undercut into a recess 8 inches deep and 1 foot 8 inches 
high. This shaft was tightly packed with large flint nodules reaching almost to the 
floor ; only the niche was filled with cleaner soil. Remains of burnt wood covered 
the floor of the tomb, but no human remains could be distinguished ; only on the 
floor of the recess was a small bone implement like a very small chisel or awl, the 
narrow cutting edge highly polished by use. The fact that many of the flints had 
been cracked by the action of fire, and the absence of human bones, are sufficient 
to prove a cremation, which was the more usual custom in the south of England. 
The form of the barrow is its most interesting feature : the open stone ring recalls 
the internal structure of the long barrows, and, perhaps, would make this an inter- 
mediate link between the two regular long and round types. C. L. WOOLLEY. 

Africa, East. Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. H. Barrett. A 


Some time ago one of the Kikuyu tribes sent out a large raiding party against 
an enemy who lived on the other side of a large desert. With the party went four 
brothers, three of whom were great warriors and always associated with it, but 
the fourth was very fond of his mother, and this was the first occasion on which he 
had left her side. When the raiders had travelled for a long distance they discovered 
that nearly all their water was finished, and they found no stream from which they 
could drink or replenish their water bottles. Seeing that all were likely to die of 
thirst, their leader ordered them to disperse, and each man to find his way back to 
his home as best he could. 

They started homewards and all perished except the four brothers, who kept 
together and had still a little water left. After travelling for two days the younger, 
who was in front, found a spring bubbling up from the ground ; he called his brothers, 
and all drank from the spring and then filled their water bottles with the water, 
which was slightly salt, but better than any they had ever tasted in their lives. 
Before continuing their journey the eldest brother told the others to say nothing to 
anyone about the spring as it was most probably the property of some evil spirits 
(Irimo) and that evil might befall them if they mentioned the locality to anybody ; 
he also told them that before entering their village they must drink up all the 
water in their bottles or else throw it away, as if others tasted it they were sure to 
try and find out where it came from, as it was so good. That evening they approached 
their village, and before entering the three elder brothers drank from the bottles all 
the water they wanted and the rest they threw away. The youngest, however, only 
drank half, and the rest he took to his hut with him. That evening after he had 

[ 10 ] 

1913,] MAN. [Nos. 6-7. 

eaten he took this water to his mother and gave it to her to drink. The old woman 
was delighted with it, and told him that he must tell her where he got it, as she 
wished to go and get some herself. Her son refused, saying that his eldest brother 
had told him not to give the water to anyone, and not to tell anyone about the spring. 
However, he loved his mother, and eventually told her where he had got it from. 

The next day when the old woman was left alone in the village she took two 
or three large bottles and went off to look for the spring, which she at length found. 
Having drunk as much as she wanted she filled her bottles and was preparing to 
return home when she heard the sound of singing and saw some Irimo approaching 
ill the distance. These Irimo had two heads, one like the head of a man, and the 
other of stone ; half their body was human, and the other half was stone, and they 
had only one leg on which they came hopping towards her. She was terrified, and 
throwing down her water-bottles climbed a large tree which overlooked the spring. 
She went up to the top and kept very quiet. Many of the Irimo came, drank from 
the water, and went off. Presently an old Irimo, with his son, came to drink. The 
old one drank, and then standing aside made way for his son. As he was drinking 
he saw the shadow of the woman in the water and called his father's attention to 
it. His father took no notice of it, but called to him to hurry up as all the others 
had gone. The son, however, was not satisfied, and looking up into the tree saw 
the old woman sitting there. He pointed her out to his father, who said, " It is a 
" human being, I will soon fetch her out of that." He at once started throwing 
his knife in her direction with such force that every time his knife struck a bough, 
it was severed and fell to the ground. 

When she found that she was discovered, the old woman started singing in her 
terror, hoping one of her sons might hear her. 

The following is the song she sang : 

"In my folly I have disobeyed my son, and the Irimo have come to kill me. 
He told me not to search for this place. 
I did not listen to his words but came to get water. 
My children are far off and never more shall I look upon their faces. 
My days are numbered and I shall shortly die by the hand of the Irimo." 

Fortunately for her, her eldest and youngest sons happened to be in the forest 
not far off and heard her. Both of them were armed with shields and spears, and 
hearing their mother's voice ran towards the direction from which it came. As they 
were approaching the spring the two Irimo saw them and ran off. The warriors, 
however, pursued them and killed them both. 

While the pursuit was taking place their mother came down from the tree and 
they found her standing at its foot on their return. The elder brother eaid to the 
younger, " It is evident that you told our mother about this spring, and thus 
" disobeyed my orders ; your up-bringing amongst women has made you talkative 
" like one of them. In future you will behave as a man, and associate with 
" men." He then gave him a sound thrashing, which did him a great deal of good, 
and caused him to give up his womanly ways. W. E. II. BARRETT. 


Uganda: Ethnography. Roscoe. 

The Baganda : their Customs and Beliefs. By the Rev. John Roscoe, Hon. y 
M.A. (Cantab.). London: Macmillan, 1911. Pp. 525, with 81 illustrations. I 

All anthropologists will give a hearty welcome to the volume which contains 
the unique knowledge gathered by Mr. Roscoe, during a life spent among the 
Baganda. They will find, too, that the enormous amount of material which it 
enshrines neither in 'interest nor importance disappoints those hopes raised by the 

No. 7.] MAN. [1913. 

papers already published by him in connection with this people. The chief, and 
indeed almost the only, criticism which can be made of the work as a whole is from 
the point of view of the arrangement of the material. Mr. Roscoe would have made 
the store of facts which his book contains more accessible to those who read it 
for the first time, had he dealt with the questions of kingship and government 
immediately after his general description of the country and people. As it is, he is 
forced continually to make mention of officials whose functions do not become 
apparent until a later chapter. However, having regard to the main value of the 
book, as a scientific record of an extremely interesting people, this is not a serious 
blemish, since in any case it must be read and re-read several times before the total 
sum of information which it contains can be assimilated by the reader. 

The Baganda are interesting from several points of view. As craftsmen, 
especially as carpenters, they have no superiors in Africa, but, owing to some queer 
psychological kink, they seem, as Mr. Roscoe says, to be incapable of finishing 
entirely any given piece of work. But they are far more interesting from the point 
of view of their elaborate governmental system, which is here for the first time set 
forth in detail. The number of state officials, some of them hereditary, with special 
functions and privileges, is enormous, and many of the posts they hold owe their origin 
to some incident of past history. A system such as this is not unknown in Africa, 
but has been found in most places where a strong cohesive kingdom has arisen, as 
among the Bini, Bushongo, and Balunda. But Mr. Roscoe's description is by far 
the most minute which has ever been published relative to a native state, and shows 
how far the native of Africa can go in the building up of an elaborate political 
system far beyond what was ever suspected in the earlier stages of our knowledge 
of African ethnography. The social system is hardly less interesting. The people 
are divided into clans, which have each their peculiar privileges and restrictions. 
A man belongs to his father's clan, unless he be a member of the royal family, in 
which case he belongs to his mother's. No marriages may be contracted within 
the clan, with one exception, and the exception can be explained by the fact that 
the clan in which such unions are permissible consists of two divisions claiming 
different origins. Beyond this, a man may not marry into his mother's clan, though 
his son not only may, but must, if he takes a second wife, seek her in the clan 
of his maternal grandmother. Since a man belongs to his father's clan, legitimacy 
is of great importance, and certain ceremonies are described which have as their 
object the proof of a child's legitimacy before he is accepted by the clan of his 
father. In such ceremonies the child's umbilical cord, carefully preserved, plays the 
most important part. 

The religion of the people is composed of two elements, ancestor-worship and 
nature-worship. Certain great gods are venerated, but belong to the first class, since 
they are probably in all cases deified heroes ; the shades of departed kings are of 
great importance, and since the spirit of a man is supposed to have a peculiar affinity 
with his jawbone, the royal jawbones are provided with separate temples and officiating 
ministers. The second class is represented by a number of gods, or rather spirits, 
attached to particular localities and objects, such as hills and trees, and it may be 
mentioned in passing that a hill under the protection of a spirit is regarded as a 
sanctuary which even the king dare not violate. Some of these spirits are animal 
spirits, and it is interesting that the Baganda believe that certain animals after death 
become ghosts with power to inflict evil. The sheep is one of these, and the man 
who kills a sheep must strike the animal on the head from behind so that it cannot 
see him. otherwise it is believed the ghost would cause him to fall ill and die. Many 
of the gods claim human sacrifices, which in the old days were offered in great 
numbers. One feature of Baganda sacrifice is the frequency with which the victim, 

[ 12 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 7-8. 

as it were, marks himself out for slaughter by the performance of some act for which 
an opportunity is deliberately offered him. Thus, at the end of a feast commemorating 
the king's accession, when the drums are removed one is left behind. Someone in 
the crowd notices the apparent oversight, and runs after the drummers with the 
instrument ; he is rewarded by being sacrificed to the spirit of the drum, and his 
armbones are made into drumsticks for it. It is impossible to do more than indicate 
roughly the great wealth of detail which the book contains, but one feature may 
be mentioned, in which a peculiar resemblance exists between the insignia of royalty 
in Uganda and Lunda. The bracelet, Lucano, which the sovereigns of Lunda alone 
might wear, and which was composed of human sinews, is well known ; but Mr. Roscoe 
is probably the first to note the fact that, at the accession of a king in Uganda, one 
of the chiefs sets aside one of his sons, who is afterwards killed, and from whose 
back sinews two anklets are made for royal wear. 

Mr. Roscoe is a careful observer, and the book which he has written will rank 
high among anthropological treatises, while as far as the Baganda are concerned it 
must remain a classic. T. A. J. 

Archaeology. Abercromby. 

A Study of the Bronze Age Pottery of Great Britain and Ireland and its Q 
associated Grave Goods. By Hon. John Abercromby, LL.D. Two vols. U 
33 x 24 cm. Oxford, 1912. Price 63s. net. 

There has long been an opening for a work that would do for Bronze Age 
pottery what Sir John Evans did for the bronzes themselves ; and this important 
task has been performed by Mr. Abercromby in a most liberal and scientific spirit. 
No less than 110 plates adorn these two volumes, not to mention sketch-maps in 
the text ; and over 1,600 specimens of pottery are here reproduced by photography. 
Some twelve years have elapsed since the author's views on the beaker were published 
in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, and in the interval he has revised 
his conclusions and included in his survey the other ceramic types of the period in 
these islands. Such an analysis of specimens from many public and private 
collections, with numerous foreign parallels, cannot fail to be of the utmost service 
to archaeology, and lead to the solution of many outstanding problems. 

The plan adopted is to treat each recognised type of pottery the beaker, food- 
vessel, and cinerary urn, including the incense cup in local groups, the country being 
divided into several well-marked regions, the general idea being that new forms 
were imported across the Channel. These gradually spread northward, undergoing 
modification on the way, and (in the case of one beaker type) travelling at the rate 
of about fifty miles in a generation. Such precision may appeal to some readers and 
be useful as a time scale, but it is easy to lay too much emphasis on such conjectures. 
Nor can the author's view of distribution be accepted without reserve, and there are 
details in these volumes and elsewhere that might have been developed to advantage. 
Whatever the original home or homes of the beaker (for several forms are extant 
that may have had a multiple origin), there is good reason to believe that the food- 
vessel was of native origin and development, being traceable to the round-bottomed 
vessels somewhat rare in Britain but clearly referable to the neolithic period. Mr. 
Abercromby's theory is that a foreign invasion from the south drove the aborigines 
northward and into Ireland, where the foreign beaker is hardly ever found ; and he 
seems to accept the view put forward two years ago in Archceologia, that in course 
of time the invaders were either expelled or absorbed, and the food- vessel, derived 
by known stages from the neolithic bowl, took the place of the beaker in the graves. 
If this is the genesis of a type that is found both with burnt and uuburnt interment-, 
the food-vessel should radiate from the centre of these islands ; and Fig. 258, 

[ 13 ] 

Nos. 8-9.] MAN. [1913. 

Plate XLV, from Edinburgh, may be selected to illustrate the transition from the 
neolithic bowl to the food-vessel type A, which is rare in Scotland but plentiful 
in Ireland. All the types of food-vessel are stated to be broadly contemporary, bnt 
the evolution of several forms from type A seems fairly evident. This development 
need not have occupied much time ; indeed, Mr. Abercromby assigns both beaker 
and food-vessel to six centuries, 2000-1400 B.C., while the first type of cinerary urn 
began before 1400, and the urns as a class occupy no less than ten centuries, which 
seems a too liberal allowance. 

The ethnological side is not neglected, though at present it is unwise to draw 
any but the most general conclusions. In spite of the philologists the author dates 
the first Celtic invasion and the consequent introduction of the beaker about 2000 B.C. 
The brachycephalic strangers are supposed to have had blonde and brown hair, and 
to have come from some region north of the Alps, not so far north as Denmark, and 
east of the Rhine. They are described as a branch of the Alpine race speaking an 
Aryan language ; but this is dangerous ground, and the verdict of the grave-goods, 
ceramic and otherwise, is not conclusive on these points. An invasion of south 
Britain, the effects of which are not traceable north of the Thames, is also assigned 
to Bronze Age IV, but the reader should be .warned that this period is not that of 
Professor Montelius (1400-1150 B.C.), but, according to the author's own adaptation 
of that system, about 900-650 B.C. " Small invasions or. immigrations may have taken 
" place in the last few centuries of the Bronze Age, when objects of the Hallstatt 
" period were introduced, which have left no trace as regards pottery." Whether 
objects of the Hallstatt period imply a Hallstatt period in Britain the author does 
not decide, but as he brings the cinerary urn down at least to 400 B.C., it may be 
assumed that for him our Early Iron Age coincides with the period of La Tene. 
That this is the ordinary view may be admitted, but more and more Hallstatt 
specimens are being found and recognised in Britain, and the excavation of Hengistbury 
Head near Bournemouth has revealed a quantity of pottery that seems to be allied 
to the Lausitz series and referable to the Hallstatt period. In fact, the author 
regards the globular cinerary urn as an offshoot of the Lausitz group of central 
Europe, and notices details reminiscent of other forms best exemplified in Saxony. 
As the globular urn is a southern form, we may here recognise the settlement of 
" new tribes, perhaps about 700 B.C., who introduced a new form of entrenchment 
" (nearly square) and brought novel forms of pottery with them. They appear to 
" have been a poor people taking refuge in Britain . . . and were likely enough 
" akin to the Gauls of a later period, but there is no evidence to show that they 
" ever conquered Britain or ever extended north of the Thames valley." 

Many tables of finds and inventories of the leading types imply a vast amount 
of research, and will be of permanent value to the student"; but here and there 
irrelevant matter is introduced that may impair the author's authority with those who 
cannot easily distinguish fact from theory. In volumes so loaded with references a 
few misprints will be readily pardoned ; but the index, which is generally a leading 
feature of our archreological works, is hardly adequate, and the reader who does not 
take the precaution of grouping the various types for himself, ;nay easily lose his 
way among the illustrations, which are, however, admirable reproductions and con- 
stitute a museum in themselves. R. A. S. 

Anthropology. Marett. 

Anthropology. By R. R. Marett, M.A. London : Williams and Norgate. Q 

Is. net. . U 

This is a delightful book delightful, because it fully covers the subject it sets 

out to discuss but its title might rather have been " An Introduction to the Science 

" of Anthropology " for such it is. It touches the whole vast fabric of the science, 

[ 14 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 9. 

indicativi'ly. suggestively, and herein is the rareness of its quality. Even in these 
days it is not common to find a specialist who does not attempt to fit his facts to hi> 
theory, but here we have an author who, in every sentence, makes it clear that he 
carries an open mind. In his eyes dogmatism is always a danger. He has no illusion-. 
yet he treats all things with reverence ; for what illumination even their negative -idc 
may throw on the general topic it is refreshing to thus come across a writer who 
sees things in perspective, who is ready everywhere to make the reader feel that there 
may be surer ground than the position now occupied ; in a word, that anthropology is 
essentially a progressive science. 

The key-note of this book is that "there shall not be one kind of history for 
" savages and another for ourselves, but the same kind of history, with the same 
" evolutionary principle running right through it, for all men, civilised and savage, 
" present and past." In a word, anthropology is a specialisation on man in the 
' larger particular group of living beings." Man is not a thing apart in nature, and 
all that pertains to him can only be adequately comprehended when the relations of 
the whole are taken into review together. 

Thus it is that the science of anthropology must draw from many sciences, and 
an education in it, to .be complete, must include all those which have any bearing 
on the history of our earth and the environmental factors, physical, moral, or social, 
affecting human existence. . '* The administrator Avho rules over savages is almost 
'* invariably quite well-meaning, but not seldom utterly ignorant of native customs 
" and beliefs. So, in many cases, is the missionary, another type of person of 
" authority, whose intentions are of the best, but whose methods too often leave 
" much to be desired. . . . Scientific insight into the conditions of the practical 
" problem will alone suffice." Nevertheless there is hope that "in the days to come 
" . . anthropological science may indirectly, though none the less effectively, 

" subserve an art of political and religious healing. ' The history of religion,' 

*' once exclaimed Dr. Fraser, ' is a long attempt to reconcile old custom with new 
44 ' reason, to find a sound theory for an absurd practice.' . . . The religious. 
" man has to be a man of the world, a man of the wider world, an anthropologist/' 
This wide and truly scientific outlook must apply to everyone who presumes to 
intervene in the social and physical aspects of man's environment. " The moral of 
" it all is to encourage anthropologists to press forward with their study 
" and, in the meantime, to do nothing rash." 

Yet the writer is no bald materialist, for he goes on to say, " the full meaning 
" of life can never be expressed in terms of its material conditions. I confess that I 
" am not deeply moved when Ratzel announces that man is a piece of the earth. 
" Or, when his admirers, anxious to improve on this, after distinguishing the atmo- 
" sphere or air, the hydrosphere or water, the lithosphere or crust, and the centro- 
" sphere or interior mass, proceed to add that man is the most active portion of an 
" intermittent biosphere, or living envelope of our planet, I cannot feel that the last 
" word has been said about him. . . . Let the anthropologist beware of theories, 
*' lest . . . among them ... he put all his eggs into one basket. . . . 
" Let him give each factor in the problem its due." 

How broad 'is the outlook of this book, and how little the author allows himself 
to be bound by theories, is shown by the following. " Human history reveals itself as 
" a bewildering series of interpenetrations. What excites these movements ? Geo- 
" graphical causes, say the theorists of one idea. No doubt man moves forward 
" partly because Nature kicks him behind. But, in the first place, some types of 
" animal life go forward under pressure from Nature, while others lie down and die. 
" In the second place, man has an accumulative faculty, a social memory, whereby 
" he is able to carry on to the conquest of a new environment whatever has served 

[ 15 ] 

Nos. 9-10.] MAN. [1913. 

" him in the old. But this is, as it were, to compound environments, a process 
" that ends by making the environment co-extensive with the world. Intelligent 
" assimilation of the new by means of the old breaks down the provincial barriers 
" one by one, until man, the cosmopolitan animal by reason of his hereditary con- 
" stitution, develops a cosmopolitan culture ; at first almost unconsciously, but later 
" on with self-conscious intent, because he is no longer content to live, but insists on 
" living well." Unlike the other animals we are not led on by a "force of heredity 
" which is blind. . . . Corporately and individually we fight our environment 
" with eyes that see in the light of experience." 

All that concerns the higher expression of man, his social organisations, with 
their privileges and restrictions, his codes of morality and rewards and punishments, 
his religious outlook, each in its way a subject for special study, are collectively 
part and parcel of the wider" science of anthropology. To detach any of them and 
treat it as a thing apart is incompatible with a correct understanding of man himself. 
And if this be so, how essential is it that all who set up as law makers and directors 
in any one of these spheres should themselves be masters of the principles of anthro- 
pology ; for in man's life, as in all nature, everything is at once consequent and 
antecedent. ARTHUR R. VYADDELL. 

Egyptology. Blackmail. 

Service des Antiquites de VEgypte : Les Temples Immerges de la Nubie ; The 4 A 
Temple of Dendur. By Aylward M. Blackman. Size 13| X 9| inches. Pp.114, IU 
Plates CXX, and a coloured frontispiece. Le Caire : Impr. de 1'Inst., Franc., 1911. 

This handsome volume, in which both the text and the illustrations are by 
Mr. Blackman, is one of a special series brought out by the Department of Antiquities 
in Egypt. The studies comprised in that series are devoted to the description of 
temples a little south of Aswan, which are threatened by the raising of the great 
dam. They are too technical to appeal to the general reader, or even perhaps to 
the general archaeologist, but those who are professed students of Egyptology will 
be grateful for the closeness and accuracy of the records. 

Mr. Blackman, the recently appointed Laycock student at Worcester College, 
Oxford, has produced a book which will add to his rising reputation. It is a very 
faithful and conscientious study of a temple built in the reign of Augustus on the 
west bank of the Nile, eleven miles south of Kalabsheh. The site has been visited 
by every traveller from the days of Champollion onwards, and a certain number of 
views and scenes were published by Rosellini, Lepsius, and others, but no complete 
description has been attempted before. This is the more unfortunate as the buildings 
have been rapidly deteriorating, and are much less perfect than ten years ago. The 
Government has now executed such repairs as seemed necessary, and the book now 
under review will place the sculptures and inscriptions on permanent record. 

Mr. Blackman follows a rigorously scientific method, taking each stone of the 
building in order, describing the scenes and personages, and reproducing the texts 
in the accepted form of conventionalised hieroglyphic. Whenever the subject allows 
it is illustrated by a photograph, and the series of 120 collotype plates is fully up 
to the average of such work in quality. On the exactness of the transcriptions 
depends the chief value of all accounts of Egyptian monuments. Even the greatest 
of philologists have made many errors, and the difficulty of conjecturing the original 
letter which once stood upon a blurred and defaced stone is often very great. But 
those who know Mr. Blackmail's training and experience, and those who, like the 
present reviewer, have seen him at work both in the field and in the library, will be 
confident that his copies will stand the test of rigorous examination. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAX, 1913 



















1913.] MAN. [No. 11. 

India. [With Plate B.] Dames: Joyce. 

Note on a Gandhara Relief representing the Story of King Sivi. 44 

By M. Longworth Dames and T. A. Joyce, M.A. 

The accompanying plate, B, illustrates a steatite relief, in typical Gandhara 
style, which is of particular interest on account both of its high artistic quality 
and of the subject which it represents. The relief, which is now in the British 
Museum, was obtained in the Swat Valley in north-western India, and shows a group 
of six figures arranged as follows. On the left, on a throne under a canopy, is 
seated a king ; his eyes are half-closed, his features drawn with pain, and his head 
droops forward as if he were about to faint. His left hand rests on the shoulders 
of a woman, who leans towards him with one arm outstretched in a gesture of tender 
solicitude, and whose whole attitude reflects the pity and grief shown upon her 
features. Before the royal footstool kneels a man with a knife, who is engaged in 
cutting off a portion of flesh from the king's left leg ; and behind him, to the right, 
stands a well-executed figure of a man holding a bismar. Immediately to the right 
of the last is a dignified individual holding a vajra, and distinguished by a headdres-s 
of peculiar shape arid a nimbus ; this figure is easily recognisable as Indra (the Sakka 
of the Jataka). The sixth figure is also furnished with a nimbus, and is perhaps some 
divine attendant upon Indra. Finally, close by the leg of the king's throne is a pigeon, 
while the space between the heads of the balance-holder and the female figure respec- 
tively is occupied by the mutilated figure of what must have been a flying bird. 

From the point of view of workmanship, the relief belongs to the best class of 
Gandhara sculpture ; the grouping is well arranged, and the individual, figures are 
dignified and graceful, that of the woman expressing a pathos which is not common 
in Oriental works of art. 

The subject is evidently taken from the story of King Sivi, which is told in 
the Mahabharata, book III, chapter 197. One day the Celestials resolved to test 
the virtue of King Sivi ; accordingly Agni assumed the shape of a pigeoa, and fled 
before Indra, who pursued him in the form of a hawk. The . pigeon took refuge 
in the Jap of the king, who is mentioned as being seated upon a costly seat, and 
begged for protection, enforcing its claim by the statement that it was a Rishi, 
learned in the Veda, and of blameless life, who had taken the form, of a bird. The 
demand of the hawk is couched in fewer words. " O king, it is not proper for you 
" to interfere with my food by protecting this pigeon ! " The answer of the king 
is given at length, and consists chiefly of an enumeration of the penalties which the 
Celestials inflict upon him " who gives up a frightened creature seeking protection 
" of its enemies." Finally he offers the hawk a bull cooked with rice in place of 
the pigeon. The hawk replies : "0 king, I do not ask for a bull or any other meat 
" more than what is in this pigeon. He is my food to-day ordained by the gods. 
" Therefore give him up to me." The king still refuses, and offers to do whatever 
the hawk bids him as a ransom for the pigeon. The hawk then demands a piece 
of flesh from the king's leg equal in weight to his quarry. Sivi cuts off a piece 
from his right leg, but the pigeon proves the heavier ; he cuts off piece after 
piece from other portions of his body, but without result, until, finally, he gets 
bodily into the scale. Upon this the hawk disappears, and the pigeon, revealing 
himself as Agni, praises the king and promises various rewards for his virtue. 

This, evidently, is the story pictured on the relief, which thus possesses the 
additional interest of being, apparently, the only known Gandhara representation of 
this legend.* 

* See Foucber, IS Art Greco-Houddhiqve, p. 270. "Nous nc connaissons pas de version 
" gandharienne du charitable exploit clu roi Qivi, Icjuel racheta au poids dc sa propre chair une 
" colombe a 1'dpervier." 

\ 17 1 

No. 11.] MAN. [1913. 

The same scene is depicted upon one of the sculptures from the Amarawati tope 
(British Museum), but the details differ, in so far as the king is shown with a sword, 
operating upon himself. An interesting feature of the Gandhara relief is the bismar, 
held by the central figure, which corresponds very closely to the Madrasi specimen 
figured by Ling Roth in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLII, 
p. 223, a similar bismar appears in the Amaravati sculpture. 

The story of Sivi is undoubtedly of early origin ; the king's offer to kill a bull as 
ransom for the pigeon would seem to relate it to pre-Buddhist Hinduism, and it must 
have been adopted by the Buddhists, who saw in King Sivi a previous incarnation 
of the Buddha. 

The story must have been a well-known Jataka, but does not appear in the 
collection translated in the Cambridge Jataka by Cowell and Rouse from the text 
edited by Fausboll. No. 499 in that series bears the title of Sivi-Jataka and refers 
to the self-sacrifice of the same King Sivi, who gave his eyes to a blind Brahman, 
and expresses also his willingness to give his flesh if required. It appears to be 
of great antiquity, for it is the second in the list of thirty-four original Jatakas 
mentioned by Taranatha and alluded to by Hemachandra (see S. d' Oldenburg in 
Journ. Roy. As. Soc., 1893, pp. 307-309). The same King Fivi plays a part in 
other Jatakas, and his grandson is the hero of the Visvantara or Vessantara Jataka, 
which often figures in Buddhist art. 

The story of King Sivi and the hawk and pigeon is told in detail in a translation 
from a Chinese version (see Abstract of Four Lectures, by S. Beal : Triibner & Co., 
1882). In this version the gods who intervene are Sakra (Indra) and Viswakarman, 
the Artificer or HephaBstus of Indian mythology, and the women of the palace are 
represented as endeavouring to dissuade the king from his purpose. See also references 
in Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, I, 125, Note 20 : Triibner, 1884. 
In the same work, Vol. I, pp. cvi, cvii (under the Travels of Sung-yun, another 
Chinese pilgrim, 200 years or more before Hiouen Thsang), the same story is found 
located near Peshawar. " Seven days' journey thence the pilgrims arrived at the 
" place where Sivika-raja delivered the dove." The figures of birds in Plate XLV, 7 T 
Bharhut Stupa, seem to refer to the pigeon and crow in Jataka 42, and not to the 
legend under consideration. 

The Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Thsang in the seventh century travelled through 
Udyana, that is the modern Swat, and there found a stupa built by King Asoka to 
commemorate the rescue of a pigeon from a hawk by the Bodhisattva, who, as King 
Sivika, cut flesh from his body to take the place of the pigeon (Stanislas Julien, 
Voyages des Pelerins Bouddhistes, Vol. I, p. 137). It seems probable that the stupa 
from which this relii f comes may be that visited by the Chinese pilgrim, and its 
discovery may perhaps in the near future be effected by the Archaeological Survey of 
the Frontier Circle, now under the direction of Sir Aurel Stein. 

The story, it will be seen, was localised in Udyana, nevertheless it is quite 
possible that the original country of Sivi (which apparently gave its name to the 
king) was really situated elsewhere, and one is tempted to suggest its identity with 
the modern Sibi or Sevi at the foot of the Bolan Pass, and with the block of 
mountainous country between the Indus and the Bolan, which was known till modern 
times as Sivistan. At the foot of the mountain wall, where the plateau country 
falls towards the Indus, is the celebrated shrine of Sakhi Sarwar, now a Musalman 
saint, but venerated also by Hindus. The shrine is associated with the veneration 
of 'AH, and many of the stories told of him are of a markedly Buddhist type. The 
founder was a blind beggar to whom 'Ali presented a whole string of camels because 
the bread for which he asked was packed in a bale on one of the camels near the 
centre. This strongly resembles the Vessantara or Vivvantara Jataka. But still more 

[ 18 ] 

1913.] MAN [Nos. 11-12. 

remarkable is the survival of the story of the hawk and pigeon. I took it dowu in 
Balochi verse in 1884, and a translation of it has been published recently.* It is as 
follows : 

A hawk and a harmless pigeon struggling together fell into the King's lap, and 
the hawk first prayed for his help, saying, " Hail to thee, 'Ali, King of Men, thou 
" art certainly the lord of our faith. I left my hungry brood on the bank of the 
" Seven Streams on a deep-rooted tree, and have come swooping round that I may 
4i find somewhere some kind of game to take to my ravenous young ones. Thou 
" knowest all ; take not from me what I have hunted and caught." Then the 
pigeon made his petition. " Hail to thee, 'Ali, King of Men, thou art the guardian 
" of our faith. This is my tale : I left my hungry little ones on the slopes of Mount 
" Bambor, and came here to pick up some grains of corn to carry to my starving 
" children. 1 have been seized by this cruel hawk who has taken me to tear me 
u open. Now give me not to this ravenous hawk, for thou knowest all that has 
" happened." 

He called his slave and said, " Kambar, bring me my knife." He laid his hand 
upon his thigh. "Come, hawk, I will give thee some flesh." Then he cut out as 
much of his own flesh as was equal to the weight of the pigeon, and even a little 
more. The harmless pigeon began to weep, " He is not a hawk, nor am I a pigeon ; 
" we are both angels of God whom he has sent to try thee, and well hast thou 
" endured the test." 

This story is identical with that preserved in the Mahabharata, although perhaps 
the simplicity of the modern Baloch bard is more effective than the spun-out disquisi- 
tions of the classical poet. In the Amarawati sculpturef two or three episodes in 
the story are represented, the pigeon in one is seen fluttering into the King's lap, 
and in another he is cutting his thigh with his sword. In the last tableaux the 
two appear in human form before the King, and it would seem that in the Jataka 
version both the hawk and pigeon resumed their original forms, and not only one of 
them as in the Mahabharata form of the story. So also in the Balochi poem both are 
declared to be angels sent to test the saint. 

The story then, originally Hindu, is seen to have been adopted first by the 
Buddhists and then by the Mohammedans. Is it possible that it went further, and, 
after being carried, like so many other Oriental legends, to Europe, furnished the 
root idea for " The Merchant of Venice " ? M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 


England : Archaeology. Crawford : Keith. 

Description of Vase found on Nunwell Down, Isle of Wight. />'// IO 

0. G. S. Crawford. With a Report on the Associated Cranium and Femur by Ifc 
Arthur Keith, M.D., Conservator of Museum, Royal College of Surgeons, England. 
The skull and other bones and the urn described below belonged to the old 
Isle of Wight Museum, which has recently been incorporated with the museum at 
Carisbrooke Castle. When at Newport the relics were contained in a small glass 
cabinet, the key of which had been lost. This was perhaps fortunate, as the specimens 
were preserved from harm in it, with their labels. Besides the urn and bones, the 
case contained the following objects : Several flint " flakes," one found close to 
the skull ; a round shore-pebble, and a natural flint of much the same size (these 
are said to have been " placed on either side of the skeleton ") ; and an oval-shaped 
" hammerstone " of gritty rock, probably greensand. The description on the label is 
as follows: "The contents of a grave from an ancient British barrow on Nunwell 

* Popular Poetry of the Baloches. By M. Longworth Dames. London, 1907. 
f B. M. Ferguson's Tree and Serpent Wornhip. PI. 
[ 19 1 

No. 12.] MAN. [1913. 

" Down, near Brading, I.W., opened November 28th, 1881, by Captain J. Thorp, and 
" presented by him to this museum, May 15th, 1885. ... No remnant of metal 
u was found in the grave. . . . About 100 tons of flints were heaped over 
" this grave." Mr. Hubert Poole, of Shanklin, has kindly sent me an extract from 
The Antiquary, Vol. V (1882), p. 119, which describes the opening of the barrow. 
I quote it nearly in full. 

"On the Middle West Down, beyond Nunwell, Isle of Wight, facing the north 
and east, by kind permission from Lady Oglander, the owner of the estate, I removed 
about 15 inches of earth from the present surface, on a spot I had previously marked, 
feeling convinced, from its peculiar shape (once, no doubt, an extensive mound or 
tumulus, but now flattened), and its faint outline of mixed chalk, forming a large 
circle, barely perceptible to the ordinary observer, on the ground ploughed up for 
cultivation, that something worthy of investigation lay hidden. 

" By compass I trenched the north, south, east, and west, when I quickly came 
upon a most compact body of flints, so placed that when the whole surface was 
uncovered, it bore the exact shape of a large mushroom, for upon examination I 
found it equal on all sides, from the apex to the outside of the circle, well pot 
together ; in fact, like a solid paved causeway, measuring in diameter 22^ feet, andi 
nearly 3 feet 2 inches in depth in the centre of the flints, measuring down to 12 inches. 
Under this extraordinary mass of flints, and exactly in the centre of the circle, there 
was a round stone (not flint), as if placed to mark the centre, and act as a guide 
round which the flints were to be placed to form a proper arch. Close to this stone 
was an urn or ' passing cup,' with two handles placed horizontally, the hole in each 
handle being so small as to suggest that it was intended to pass a string through 
for suspension. It only contained earth and a few chips of flint, and stood upright, 
and is 5| inches high and 8 inches in diameter, apparently of unbaked clay, with very 
rude diamond-shaped markings scratched on its outer surface. On the left side of 
this cup I found a human skull, the jaw and splendid teeth of which touched the 
rim of the cup, and on the right side of the skull, above the ear, a wedge-shaped 
hole, 2 inches long, and nearly half an inch wide, cleanly cut in the bone, as if by 
a sharp weapon. 

" Upon further removing the earth, I laid bare the skeleton of a well-grown 
man, apparently more than 6 feet high, and buried in a sitting position. Most of 
the ribs and other small bones, together with a portion of the jaw, had crumbled 
away, the body being so placed and doubled up as to bring the knees level with 
the chest. . . . Close under the jaws I found a flint flake, corresponding with 
the shape of the hole in the skull, and which, I consider, might have caused the 
death wound, having, as it were, fallen out of the skull as the body mouldered away. 
The skeleton lay or sat east and west. I could not discover any remnant of metal 
of any description. On either side of the skeleton were two smooth stones, the size 
and shape of an egg, one a flint and the other a shore pebble." J. THORP. 

I am not inclined to place much confidence in the speculations of the author 
and they do not appear to be verified by expert investigations ; but the account of 
the excavation seems accurate and reliable. The flints may or may not have been 
used as implements. The oval " hammerstone " was very probably used for some 

The dimensions of the urn are as follows : Height, 148 mm. ; width of rim, 
205 mm. ; width of base, 90 mm. ; thickness, 8 mm. It is made of fine clay, baked 
hard, and with very little flint grit ; it is of a reddish-brown colour and slightly 
burnished ; where broken the edges are black. It is ornamented with a line-pattern 
made by a sharp instrument. The ornament (whose general arrangement can be seen 
in the accompanying illustration) runs diagonally in bands of fourteen or fifteen 

[ 20 ] 



[No. 12. 

roughly parallel Hues set close together ; the average width of each band is ahoiu 
25 mm. Round the rim and just below it runs a band (about 15 mm. wide) of five 
or six parallel Hues crossed diagonally by shorter ones. Just below the rim are two 
" lugs " set side by side and nearly touching ; they are each pierced horizontally 
with a small hole just wide enough to admit a lead pencil. They are scored on the 
outside with diagonal grooves. They can have served no useful purpose. 

I have been unable to discover, either here or on the Continent, any urn exactly 
resembling this specimen. In the British Isles I know of none even remotely 
resembling it, nor does Mr. Abercromby, who has seen a photograph of it. It is not, 
of course, a cinerary urn, but neither does it belong to any type of beaker or food- 
vessel. Sir Arthur Evans has seen the urn and does not know of any similar 
specimen. Thinking that it might belong to one of the numerous types of German 
pottery I sent a photograph to Profesor Giitze, of Grosslichterfeldt, and the following 
is a copy of his reply : " An absolutely identical vase from the neolithic period in 
*' Germany is unknown to me. But the ornament is similar to that on a neolithic 
*' beaker from the district of Aurich, now in the Provincial Museum, Hanover. 
* 4 The same ornament ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
" occurs at any rate 
" also in Great Britain 
" on vases Avhich are 
<; related to the neo- 
" lithic wares of the 
" Continent, but placed 
" by Mr. Abercromby 
*' in the Bronze Age. 
" A similar form, but 
" without a handle 
" and with different 
" ornament, I have 
" figured in The Vases, 
" Forms and Orna- 
" ment of the Neo- 
" lithic Cord-decorated 
*' Ware in the Basin 
*' of the Saale, Plate I, 
" Fig. 28. The provenance is Schneidlingen. district of Aschersleben. The vase 
*' is now in the Provincial Museum, Halle." 

From this it is clear that both the ornament and shape of the Nunwell vase 
are known in Central Germany, though not found associated in any individual 
specimen. Both, however, are sufficiently peculiar to justify the expectation of 
a cultural connection, and it would seem that we must look to Central Germany for 
tbe most nearly allied culture. The roughness with which the ornament is imposed 
and the slightly abnormal features of the vase are just what we should expect in 
an object made in a strange country by an immigrant people who have not yet 
forgotten their native arts and crafts. 

This hypothesis is confirmed by Professor Keith's account of the skull and 
femur which were found in the same grave as the vase. They are those of an 
individual typical of the "Bronze Age race," which appears to have brought 
with it into England and Scotland the class of ceramic known as "beakers" or 
"drinking cups." In a number of cases in England skeletons of this race have 
been found associated with beakers. 1 do not know whether the characteristics 
of the race which is associated with similar beakers in Germany have been in- 

t 21 ] 


No. 12.] 




vestigated, but if so they will probably be found to agree with those of our " Bronze 
Age " type. 

The Isle of Wight lies athwart the path of every invader of Wessex. Almost 
visible from the south (St. Catherine's Head is less than 60 miles from Cherbourg), 
it has from the earliest times been /oo 

in close touch with France. It is, 
however, from the east that most 
invasions have come. Coasting 
along the inhospitable shores of 
Sussex but few harbours would 
attract the invader until he reached 
the sheltered waters of Spithead, 
and there the first haven to con- 'vL 
front him would be that of Brading, 
where he could sail right up to 
the chalk slopes upon its southern 
margin. No doubt subsequent 
crews landed in the harbours 
further west, both on the island 
and on the nla'iuland. History 
repeats - itself when viewed geo- 
graphically ; the Jutes followed -in 
the wake of their Bronze Age 
predecessors. The Isle of Wight 
has aptly been called "the door- * IG - 1- 

mat of Wessex," for we can detect upon its shores the footprints of many peoples. 


"A brachycephalic skull typical of the Bronze Period. Of a strong muscular 

man, aged about forty, and 5 feet 7 inches in height (1,670 mm.). The age is 

estimated chiefly from the degree to which the teeth are worn ; the dentine is partly 

exposed on the chewing surfaces of the first molars, the last molars are slightly 

worn. The condition of the teeth 
thus indicates a man of about 
thirty, but the condition of the 
sutures indicates an older man. 
The chief sutures are obliterated 
on their internal aspect ; the 
sagittal suture is almost closed on 
its outer aspect ; the coronal can. 
be traced, while the lambdoid 
is still open. The sutures and 
general condition of the skull 
suggests that the man was over 
forty at death. The height is 
estimated from the femur, which 
had a height, in the standing 
posture, of 456 mm. 

"The general features of the skull are accurately shown in the figures 1, 2, 3,. 
so that it is not necessary to give a lengthy description. 

"The maximum length of the skull from glabella to occiput is 179 mm.; the 
prominent supraciliary ridges project 3 mm. in front of the glabella. The maximum 

[ 22 ] 


FIG. 2. 



[No. 12. 

width of the skull, estimated by doubling the diameter of the right side, for the 
left is defective, is 146 mm. ; the cephalic index (proportion of width to length) 
is 81*6, brachycephalic. The supra-auricular height is 115 mm., rather a moderate 

"The forehead is marked by extremely prominent supraciliary and supra-orbital 
ridges, the supraciliary and supra-orbital elements being partly fused. The forehead 
is wide, the minimum frontal diameter being 104 mm. ; the width, at the upper 
margin of the orbits, 110 mm. The frontal air-sinuses are of small size 15 mm. 
in height, 15 mm. in width, and 10 mm. from back to front. On the inner aspect 
of the frontal bone is a descending median crest of bone, 8 mm. in height. On 
the upper part of the forehead the frontal bone is only 6 - 5 mm. in thickness, towards 
the bregma 8 mm., but at the glabella, from the cribriform plate to the glabella, it 
is 24 mm. a high measurement. 

" The face is strongly formed, being long and of rather more than moderate 
width, with wide, strongly-marked angles to the jaws, and wide, square, prominent 
chin. The length of the face from 
nasion to incisor point (upper face 
length) is 70 mm. ; from nasion to 
lower border of chin (lower face length), 
123 mm. The facial width (bizygo- 
matic), 130 mm. In life he would 
certainly have passed as a strikingly 
handsome man. 

" I have accurate drawings of the 
lower jaw, but it is unnecessary to publish 
these as the mandible is characteristic 
of the Bronze Age people. The width 
at the angles is 100 mm. ; between the 
outer ends of the condyles, 126 mm. Its 
height at the symphysis is 32 mm., its 
thickness there 16 mm. In conformity 
with the long face, the ascending ramus 
of the jaw is high 72 mm. 

" The palate is regularly formed, 
its width between the second molars being 
68 mm. (a wide palate) ; its length is only 46 mm. The first upper molar measures 
10* 5 by 1 1 mm., the second 10 by 11 mm. On one side no third molar or wisdom 
tooth has been developed ; on the other side this tooth has been lost before death. 
There is no evidence of dental disease, all the teeth being sound. 

" The neck was thick and strong and well hafted to the skull. The bi-mastoid 
width of the neck was 126 mm. ; its front-to-back thickness, measured from inion to 
a point between the anterior borders of the mastoid processes, 73 mm. 

44 If a tracing of this skull be superimposed on a long-headed type of skull, so 
that ear-hole falls on ear-hole, the outstanding differences between the short and long- 
headed people will be realised. In the short-headed people the skull has been 
flattened posteriorly, and it seems as if the brains had been pressed to an undue 
extent into the pre-auricular part of the skull. 

" The femur shows all the characteristics of the Bronze Age type. The shaft 
is twisted ; the upper end of the shaft flattened from back to front ; the lower 
extremity in proportion to the shaft ; very wide." O. G. S. CRAWFORD. 


} N AT 

FIG. 3. 

[ 23 

Nos. 13-14.] MAN. [1913. 

Borneo and Java. Beech. 

Note on the Natives of the Eastern Portion of Borneo and Java. 40 

By Mervyn W. H. Beech, M.A. 10 

In Volume XLII (January to June) of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological 
Institute there is an article by Mr. T. R. H. Garrett on " The Natives of the Eastern 
Portion of Borneo and Java." 

Two of the tribes he deals with are termed " Orang Tarakan " (people of 
Tarakan) and " Oraug Bulongan" (people of Bulongan). These peoples are the two 
main branches of Tidong and form the subject matter of my small work The Tidong 
Dialects of Borneo (Clarendon Press, 1908). The statistics given by Mr. Garrett are 
a valuable addition to our knowledge of the Tidongs, and it is for this reason that 
I am pointing out the connection which otherwise is not apparent. 

In estimating the total number of the " Orang Tarakan " at about 300 Mr. Garrett 
is not quite correct. In addition to those still living on Tarakan island there are at 
least 1,000 more in British North Borneo. I was in charge of the district of Tawao 
for over two years, and there were at that time resident there about 600 " Orang 
Tarakan," notably at Semdong, Kalabakang, and Apas. There is, again, a large settle- 
ment on the Labak river, also in British territory. Others are to be found on the 
rivers Simbakong and Sibuku, and on the island of Nonockau within Dutch territory. 


Africa, East. Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. Barrett. 4 J 


Once upon a time there lived a maiden, by name Wanjirn, who was so beautiful 
that nearly every man who saw her wished to possess her. Many men asked her 
to marry them, but to each one she replied, " If you can prove to me that yon are 
" a brave man I will marry you ; but first you must travel to a far-distant country, 
" where there is a lake, and in this lake there grows a large feather ; the day you 
" bring me this feather I will marry you." Everyone of these men had been afraid 
to undertake this journey, as they said it was too dangerous, until one day a dwarf 
came and asked her for her hand. This man was so hideous that he was called 
Hiti (hyaena). To Hit! she made the same answer as she had given to all the 
others. When he heard what she had to say, Hiti replied, " The way is far, and 
" the dangers from wild animals and savages will be great, but I am so inadly in 
" love with you that I will get you the feather you desire or die in the attempt." 
When all the other men heard that he intended to try and obtain the feather they 
laughed at him, saying, " How will you, who are a hideous dwarf, succeed in getting 
" this feather when we, who are all fine warriors, are afraid to make the journey." 
Hiti, however, took no notice of them, but went to his hut. That night he cooked 
a lot of food, and made other preparations for the journey. The next morning, 
having said good-bye to his relations, he set out amidst the jeers of his rivals. 

After travelling for a year, and having passed through many adventures, he at 
length came to a huge lake full of crocodiles and snakes, and in the centre he saw 
the feather he had come to seek ; he sat down near by and ate some food. Haying 
satisfied his hunger he beseeched Ngai (God) to help him, and fearlessly entered 
the water. After wading in it a long time, he reached the feather, which after many 
attempts he succeeded in pulling up from the bed of the lake. As soon as he had 
done this, the water began to rush into the hole he had made, and in a short while 
disappeared. Leaving the feather lying on the ground he went back to his camp, 
where he slept that night. The next morning he returned, and lifting it on to bis 

[ 24 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 14-15. 

shoulder started towards his village. It was so heavy that it took him two years 
to carry it home. When his relations saw him they were delighted, and rejoiced 
greatly, as they had never expected to see him again. The morning after his 
arrival he carried the feather to Wanjiru, and presented it to her, at the same time 
reminding her of her promise. She replied, " You are the bravest among men, arid 
*' have succeeded in doing what others were afraid even to attempt. I am proud 
** to accept you as my husband." A few days afterwards they were married amidst 
much rejoicing. W. E. H. BARRETT. 

Religion. Frazer. 

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild. By J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., 1C 
Litt.D. Two vols. London: Macinillan, 1912. lU 

The new edition of The Golden Bough grows apace. The last part reviewed 
in these pages was The Dying God. Adonis, Attis, Osiris, the next in order, had 
been published in 1906. It was, as its title intimates, an expansion of the fourth, 
fifth, and sixth sections of the third chapter of the second edition, amounting to a 
re-writing of those sections. The two new volumes represent the remainder of the 
third chapter and second volume of that edition. The greater part of them is occupied 
with agricultural rites ; but with the corn-spirit conceived as an animal the author 
passes to the more general discussion of the propitiation of wild animals and other 
relations of mankind to them. 

Having in Adonis considered the divinities of the Near East, Professor Frazer 
turns to Dionysus and Demeter, He carefully traces their legends and rites over the 
Greek world. The additional evidence abundantly confirms his previous conclusions 
as to their real character ; and he adduces reasons for holding that Dionysus was 
originally " a deity of agriculture and the corn," or " of fertility in general, animal as 
" well as vegetable." In the case of Demeter, a difficulty as to the date of the 
offering of first-fruits arises upon the seventh idyl of Theocritus. The poet describes 
it as taking place in the island of Cos on an autumnal day. Professor Frazer suggests 
that it was performed immediately before the ploughing, and in view of the renewed 
agricultural operations suspended during summer. Greek gratitude may have been 
emphatically a sense of favours to come. But a festival of first-fruits implies that the 
harvested grain has not hitherto been utilised. The first-fruits are literally offered 
to the god. In an earlier state of society, as the author points out, the crop is often 
looked upon as itself an uncanny being, mysterious, sacred, that requires desacralising ; 
though it is perhaps going too far to describe it as a divinity. Hence a solemn 
ceremonial meal a sacrament is necessary, sometimes partaken of by the whole 
community, sometimes by the chief or the priest as its representative. Whatever form 
it may take, this ceremony it is that liberates the bulk of the crop for the use of 
mankind. Can we really suppose that the Greeks forbore to eat of the new harvest 
(which was doubtless reaped then as now in April and May) until September or 
October ? Of .course, if Demeter were identified, as Dr. Frazer suggests, with the 
seed-corn, and Persephone with the ripe ears, the first-fruits may have been offered to 
the latter upon the conclusion of the harvest, and a further ceremony addressed to 
Demeter may have taken place before the ploughing. Indeed we know that such a 
ceremony called expressly Proerosia, was held at Eleusis, and that the Sicilians 
celebrated the maiden when the corn was ripe and Demeter at the time of sowing. 
It would seem, therefore, that the festival described by Theocritus was not strictly a 
feast of first-fruits, but that the tribute of first-fruits from far countries to Eleusis in 
view of the Proerosia had influenced its character, even in the island of Cos, by the 

[ 25 ] 

No. 15.] MAN. [1913. 

time of Theocritus. At any rate there is something to be explained, and the meagreness 
of our information does not enable us to do so at present. 

Coming to the modern harvest customs iu the west of Europe, may I first of all 
suggest that the title, de greaule meaur, conferred at Unna in Westphalia on the last 
sheaf, is the dialect form of die grosse Mutter, or die Grossmutter, not the Grey 
Mother? This would account for the /, and would bring the name into line with 
others noted by Mannhardt. On looking at Mannhardt's Forschungen, p. 319, I see 
that he does in fact so interpret the expression. Professor Frazer has doubtless 
overlooked the passage. Another point, but again a very small one, is that Knhn, who 
reports it, limits the custom to the rye harvest. 

The best corn in Kent was (according to the testimony of the Rev. Mr. Walter, 
Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, given to Brand) made up into a figure 
called, somewhat strangely, the Ivy Girl. It was brought home with the last load 
of corn ; but Dr. Frazer does not tell us what was done with it. Another passage 
in Brand seems to throw some light on the question. Under the head of " Shrove 
Tuesday" a communication to the Gentleman's Magazine, dated iu 1779, is quoted, 
in which the writer, a lady, says: "Being on a visit on Tuesday [Shrove Tuesday] 
" in a little obscure village in this county [east Kent], I found an odd kind of sport 
" going forward ; the girls from eighteen to five or six years old were assembled in a 
" crowd, and burning an uncouth effigy, which they called a Holly Boy, and which, 
" it seems they had stolen from the boys, who in another part of the village were 
" assembled together and burning what they called an Ivy Girl, which they had stolen 
" from the girls. All this ceremony was accompanied with loud huzzas, noise and 
" acclamations. What it all means I cannot tell, although I inquired of several of 
" the oldest people in the place, who could only answer that it had always been a 
" sport at this season of the year." Evidently the custom was in a late stage of 
decay. But assuming the Ivy Girl to be identical with the best sheaf at Harvest 
Home, as seems probable, we have another illustration to add to Professor Frazer's 
list of the close connection between the agricultural rites of autumn and spring. It 
is interesting that the sheaf is neither given to the cattle, nor its seeds mixed with 
the sowing corn, but it is burnt. Has the ceremony been contaminated with that of 
carrying out Death ? The old witch is burnt in the East Riding, but that rite is 
performed on the last day of harvest. To discuss the questions that arise on 
consideration of this Kentish rite would, however, take too much space to be 
attempted here. 

In enumerating the marks of a primitive ritual in harvest customs the author 
includes as one of them that "spirits, not gods, are recognised." The paragraphs of 
enumeration are taken from the second edition, and I regret he has not availed 
himself of the opportunity to reconsider the wording at least of this item. Nowhere, 
I think, is the corn-maiden, or whatever it may be called, and whether male or 
female, whether in human or animal form, spoken of by the peasant as a spirit. 
The peasant is probably by no means clear in his own mind what it is, even where 
he really believes in its objective existence. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, 
if we are at some loss for a term for it. It may be convenient to generalise it 
under the term spirit. But I venture to think we should never lose sight of the fact 
that this cannot be asserted to be the peasant's view. Here it would have been quite 
sufficient to lay down the negative proposition that the corn-maiden and similar 
beings of the popular imagination are not gods, without going on to say what they 
are, especially as the definition of a spirit given in the text lies open to one or 
two objections. When Professor Frazer comes to write that further work on Com- 
parative Religion, which he has promised, and to which he alludes in the preface 
to these volumes, he may have to find a new definition not entirely compatible 

[ 26 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No 15. 

with the one here given. It is clear, too, that if he be right in his main conten- 
tion, the heings in question may become gods, a possibility not alluded to in this 
paragraph, and this possibility may further affect the definition of a spirit. 

He is a little exercised to account for the double personification of the corn as 
Demeter and Persephone. But if once the corn (or barley) be regarded as a corn- 
mother, as the name of Demeter would seem to show, is not a corn-child suggested 
by antithesis ? One would think it inevitable. The puzzle, indeed, is rather why the 
personification was not oftener double. It is quite certain that the process would 
have been accelerated, though perhaps not (as Dr. Frazer thinks) caused, by the 
growth of anthropomorphism. Here and elsewhere he is, I submit, hardly enough 
inclined to allow for the vagueness and fluidity of savage ideas. There is but little 
correlation in this respect between belief and ritual. The latter is often fully 
developed, and comparatively permanent, while the former is uncertain and even 
contradictory. The theory of the growth of story out of rite is built upon this 

All this part of the subject is closed by a masterly summary of the analogies 
between the savage rites and those of the European peasantry, taken with a few 
additions from the second edition. Dr. Fra/er's method has often been criticised. 
There may be there is force in the contention of the new German anthropological 
school that, until you know the culture of any area or people from top to bottom, 
you cannot be quite sure that you interpret a given rite correctly. The point cannot 
be discussed now. But at least we may say that when an interpretation is founded 
on an induction so wide as Dr. Frazer's, there is a presumption of its accuracy. 
Moreover, he has not been insensible of the necessity of showing the relations between 
culture and rite, and of putting the reader in a position to judge of the interpretation 
proposed. In Adonis he brought before us with singular vividness the civilisation 
and environment of the peoples with which he was dealing. He was enabled to do so 
because he was chiefly concerned with historical investigations, and he dealt with 
a very few examples. In these volumes it has been different ; he has thrown his 
net widely. Even here, however, he has been anxious to give us the whole of the 
evidence, and generally the very words of his authorities. It is doubtful whether he 
has not been too liberal in his quotations and in his digressions. The danger is lest 
his readers should not see the wood for the trees. The summaries from time to time 
do something to avert that danger. Nor can he be fairly accused of shirking the 
weak points of his evidence, or of slurring over its occasional slenderness. 

Leaving anthropomorphic representations of the corn-spirit, the discussion pro- 
ceeds to the lower animals. First, they are treated as representations of the corn-spirit, 
or the spirit of vegetation in general. I am doubtful, in spite of the name Bouphonia, 
whether the ox offered at that festival can be shown to have been slain in such a 
capacity. The choice of the animal to be sacrificed fell on that one out of the herd, 
which, when driven round the altar of Zeus Polieus, ate the barley and wheat 
previously laid before the god. Was this anything more than an ordinary case of 
divination which animal would be acceptable? 

The ceremonial connected with first-fruits is then considered, both sacrament 
and sacrifice. Afterwards, with an interesting chapter on killing the divine animal 
we approach the general subject of the relations between men and the lower animals, 
including their propitiation, the transmigration of souls, and types of animal sacrament. 
Is Professor Frazer correct in construing a verse of the prophet Habbakuk to mean 
that the Hebrew fisherman sacrificed to his net ? The passage in which it occurs 
is, at least in our translation, obscure and confused ; but it seems to me that the 
imagery is taken from a Chaldean, not from a Hebrew, custom. The prohibition to 
break the bones of animals killed for sacrifice or food is illustrated by custom and 

r 27 ] 

Nos. 15-16.] MAN. [1913. 

also by story. Among the stories we miss that of Thor, who on a journey slew one 
night for food the goats that drew his chariot, and commanded his host, a peasant, 
to put the bones together in the goat-skins. But the peasant's son broke one of the 
bones to get at the marrow ; and in the morning, when Thor by means of his hammer, 
Mjolnir, restored the goats to life, one of them limped. The god was wroth, divining 
what had been done, and was only mollified by compensation in the persons of the 
countryman's son and daughter, who became his slaves. This tale, exhibiting as it 
does the god's anger for the trespass and the compensation exacted, would have 
been even more to the point than those to which reference is actually made. The 
singing rite performed by Kaffir girls, as related by Mr. Kidd, does not seem to be 
in honour of the insect pests of the fields, but an appeal to ancestors for aid against 
them. It would have been well to note, in describing the Toda sacrament from 
Marshall, that Dr. Rivers did not find a trace of it, and so far as this negative 
evidence goes the ceremony requires confirmation. In the Bulgarian carnival rites 
mentioned, Vol. II, p. 332, it may be suggested that the dressing up by youths as 
girls and by girls as youths, and the striking of passers-by with clubs by certain of 
the masqueraders are fertility charms not intended to influence the ground, but 
the persons themselves. There is another rite mentioned in Dr. Frazer's authority, 
but the mention of which he has not reproduced, namely, that on the Monday 
(" Cheese-Monday ") marriageable girls do not dare to allow themselves to be seen 
alone in the street, for the Kukeri (pi. of Kuker) are going round individually armed 
with hooked sticks called Kliink, with which they strike any girl they meet (Arch. 
Religionswiss. xi, 409). Mannhardt has collected many similar instances, and there^ 
can be little doubt the interpretation is the same. Similarly the belief in several 
cases referred to in the first volume, that the person who takes a certain part in the 
harvest ceremonies will soon be married, seems really to mean that she (or he) will 
soon be blessed with children, and is perhaps a case of a fertility charm degenerating augury. Compare with this belief the rites at prehistoric rude stone monuments, 
especially in France, performed indiscriminately by women who wish for children and 
by girls who desire husbands ; and the carnival custom of playing at football, the 
married on one side and the single on the other, in which the victory of the married 
is prearranged. 

I will only add to these observations, for the length of which I apologize, that, 
in view of the fact that Prof. Frazer's position with regard to the origin and content 
of religion has been so often misunderstood, the disclaimer in the preface is timely. 
Religion has, and has always had, other sources than anxiety about the food supply ; 
and important as are the rites concerned with food, there are others equally important. 
The study of them will perhaps take us still deeper down into the hidden springs 
of human belief and action. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 

British Archaeology. Johnson. 

Byways in British Archaeology. By Walter Johnson, F.G.S. Cambridge 4 fl 
University Press, 1912. ID 

Mr. Walter Johnson, an experienced archa3ological writer, has given to the world 
a new book on a variety of old subjects. The 529 pages which it contains are 
occupied as follows : Churches on Pagan Sites, 100 ; The Secular Uses of the Church 
Fabric, 104 ; The Orientation of Churches, 38 ; The Orientation of Graves, 25 ; 
Survivals in Burial Customs, 56 ; The Folklore of the Cardinal Points, 36 ; The 
Churchyard Yew, 48; The Cult of the Horse, 44; "The Labour'd Ox," 36; 
Retrospect 7, Addenda 3, Index 32. 

It will be seen that there is ample room for exhaustive treatment of most of the 
subjects, and, if. any of them seem to the reader to have been dealt with at greater 

[ 28 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos, 16-17. 

length than their importance requires, he will at least recognise the convenience of 
having all the facts and theories concerning them brought together. Every chapter 
is obviously the result of much reading and thinking, as well as of personal investi- 
gation, and the author's main conclusions will probably meet with general assent, 
though differences of opinion may arise concerning details. The following points, 
for instance, occur to the present writer : 

The author does not make as much of the position of the church at Stanton 
Drew as he might ; Mr. Dymond's plan shows that the chancel impinges on the line 
between the " cove " (which was no part of a stone ring) and the great and north- 
eastern circles, and, as this was the line of the rising sun, the church was no doubt 
intentionally placed so as to block it. "Cromlech" is the Welsh and Irish name 
for what the French call a "dolmen" ; but the French, on the other hand, use a word 
" cromleac " to denote a circle, or, indeed, an enclosure which may not be quite 
circular. This leads to confusion, and it is better, therefore, not to use either 
" cromlech " or " cromleac," but to speak of dolmens, or circles, or other monuments 
in unambiguous language. The development of the Irish round towers from beehive 
huts seems rather open to doubt, as also does the suggestion that churches were 
built on a larger scale in order that they might be used for secular purposes ; the 
increase of saint-worship, and shrines, and pilgrims made larger buildings necessary, 
and, being larger, they became more convenient for holding secular meetings. The 
existence of a mounting-block in a convenient position by a church door is really not 
evidence that the porch was used as a stable. Finally, as to the orientation of circles 
much more might be written by way of supplement to Mr. Johnson's observations 
than space will permit on the present occasion. A. L. L. 


Deputation on Indian Museum. A~l 

On December 12th a deputation, promoted by the Royal Asiatic Society, was If 
received at the Board of Education by Mr. Pease, President of the Board, and 
by Earl Beauchamp, First Commissioner of the Office of Works. The object of the 
deputation was to urge the better housing of the Indian Museum, at present known 
as the Indian Section of the Victoria and Albert Museum, and at the same time to 
ask for the appointment of an expert staff in order that the valuable collections 
may be effectively dealt with and rendered available to students of Oriental art, 
history, and ethnography. 

The deputation was introduced by Lord Reay, President of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, and the Society was also represented by Sir Richard Temple, Sir Charles 
Lyall, Mr. L. C. Hopkins, Mr. C. Otto Blagden, Mr. W. F. Amedroz, the Right Hon. 
Ameer Ali, Professor D. S. Margoliouth, Professor A. A. Macdonell, Dr. F. W. 
Thomas, Librarian, India Office, Mr. A. G. Ellis, Assistant Librarian, India Office, 
Mr. R. Sewell, Mr. M. Longworth Dames, H.H. the Maharajah of Jhalawar, and 
Miss C. Hughes, secretary. In addition to the Royal Asiatic Society many leading 
societies and institutions were represented. The British Academy was represented 
by Professor A. A. Macdonell, the Society of Antiquaries by Dr. Philip Norman 
(Treasurer), the Royal Anthropological Institute by Dr. A. P. Maudslay, the President, 
Oxford by Dr. D. G. Hogarth, Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Mr. H. Balfour, 
Keeper of the Pitt-Rivers Museum, and Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Reader of Indian 
History ; the Cambridge Antiquarian Society by Professor W. Ridgeway and Professor 
Percy Gardiner, the Central Asian Society by Mr. E. R. P. Moon, the India Society 
by Mr. F. W. Rolleston, the East India Association by Col. C. E. Yate, M.P., Sir 
M. M. Bhownaggree, Sir James Wilson, Mr. R. V. Chisholm, Mr. J. W. Pennington, 

[ 29 ] 

No. 17.] MAN. [1913. 

Mr. W. Coldstream, and Dr. J. Pollen, Secretary. The India Office was represented 
l>y the librarians, who are included among the members of the Royal Asiatic Society 
given above. Other leading members of the deputation were Sir John Jardine, M.P., 
Col. T. H. Hendley (late of the Jeypore Museum), and Mr. Lionel Gust (editor of 
the "Burlington Magazine"). 

Lord Reay, after introducing the deputation, pointed out that all the facts had 
beeii detailed by the deputation on the subject received by Mr. Runciman, and shoved 
clearly the necessity that, no further delay should take place in providing a building 
which should afford sufficient space for the classification and arrangement of the 
collection, and a staff competent to give information to students such as exists in Paris, 
Berlin, and other centres. Although the authorities at South Kensington had done 
their best with the limited means at their disposal a building dedicated to India was 
essential. The acquisition of the London Institution had assured the foundation of an 
institute for Oriental languages, which would attract to London students of such 
subjects. The museum would be to a certain extent a laboratory of the institute, 
and expert guidance for students would be needed. India had a right to be represented 
in London on an adequate scale, and the honour of England as the ruling power of 
India was at stake. We had past omissions to redeem, and we should prevent Indian 
art specimens, which should find a home in London, from passing to foreign museums. 
The Imperial Institute was alluded to, and Lord Reay pointed out that India contributed 
100,000, or a quarter of the total cost a generous contribution, from which India could 
not be said to have reaped a commensurate benefit. India, after the outburst of loyalty 
to the throne which created such an impression, might justly claim to have a home 
worthy of its splendid productions. 

Colonel Hendley directed his remarks specially to the value of expert assistance 
in the Indian Museum as brought home to him by his experience as founder of the 
Jeypore Museum and organiser of exhibitions and museums at home. Without such 
assistance no exhibition or museum could be successful. How serious, therefore, was 
the position here at the only Indian National Museum in London ! Mr. Stanley Clarke's 
services deserved unbounded appreciation, but the work was beyond the power of 
any one man. India presented as much diversity as Europe : Nepal and Delhi, for 
instance, were as different as Scandinavia and Spain. The task would require the 
services of many experts with prolonged Indian experience, yet there was not on the 
staff of the museum one person who had ever been in India or who spoke any of its 
languages. Nor was the system of arrangement by materials followed in South 
South Kensington suitable to a museum dealing with India. In dealing with 
collections illustrating Indian religions, for instance, images of brass or bronze were 
placed in one part of the galleries and others of wood or stone in another. Muhammadan 
insignia were placed with brass vessels simply because they were of metal. The 
arrangement was criticised in some detail, and the urgent need of space pointed out, 
and a hope expressed that if the London University found fresh quarters the room 
occupied by it in the Imperial Institute might be utilised for Indian exhibits. 

Professor Ridgeway said that the arrangement of every museum in modern times 
must be scientific if it was to be of any practical use, either for the question of races, 
history, art, or for teaching purposes. In the case of the Indian Museum there was 
only one opinion among those interested in scientific history, that it must be ethno- 
graphical. To arrange all the art objects, weapons, implements, and everything 
relating to the vast medley of races of India in one section was absolutely destructive 
of all scientific use. Also from an artistic point of view to have the products of all 
these races huddled together was absolutely useless. With such tremendous diversity, 
physical and psychological, moral and religious, there must be diversity in arts and 
crafts, and classification must be according to races and regions. It had been iirged 

[ 30 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 17. 

that the object of the South Kensington and the Indian Museum was to instruct our 
craftsmen, and that to do this the products of every land must be placed together 
according to material, but to place an eighteenth-century warming-pan side by side 
with Indian Bidri ware or a French carved fan by a Japanese netsuke could do 
nothing to raise the standard of craftsmanship. He would submit that it was the 
duty of this country to have provision made in the way of building, and above all by 
expert officials, that this magnificent collection should be properly arranged and made 
available for students from this country or India, or foreign countries. 

Mr. Balfour said that he spoke as an anthropologist and as a member of the 
teaching staff of Oxford. The material which a properly equipped Indian Museum 
might afford would be of the greatest value to the student, the researcher, and 
the Indian Civil Servant. India alone might furnish material for a text book on 
comparative ethnology. It might be urged that this was a task for the British 
Museum to undertake, but no adequate department for the study of Indian culture 
and ethnology had been provided in the British Museum for the very reason that 
the Indian Museum could fulfil that particular function. He had often heard foreigners 
comment on the absence of such a department in the British Museum, and had always 
replied that there was an Indian Museum capable of taking the place of any such 
department. Nevertheless the Indian Museum was not at present fully adequate to 
meet the requirements of the case, so much so that it had been necessary for him 
to urge his students to go abroad to study Indian archaeology and ethnology, and 
to seek the material for their studies at Berlin, Dresden or elsewhere. A course of 
anthropology would be of the greatest value to Indian Civil Service men, and such 
a course was already insisted upon by the Anglo-Egyptian Government. The Indian 
Museum to hold its own must progress, for there was no place at the present day 
for a museum that stagnates. 

Sir Richard Temple said that he had been a member of the former deputation, 
when two things had been asked for, one that the Indian Museum should be main- 
tained intact and the oilier that there should be an improvement in the housing of 
the exhibits. He would like to thank the Board of Education for having secured 
the first of these objects. What the Royal Asiatic Society now wished to urge was 
that the collection must not only be properly housed but that there must be a 
competent staff to guide the student to whom abstract study was necessary as a 
basis for practical work. The dependence of practical navigation on the work of the 
astronomer and the coinage of the realm on that of the mathematician were cases 
in point. Similarly the work conducted in the " Indian Antiquary " in investigating 
the early history and customs of India had been of the greatest value to the Indian 
Government. And the collection must be properly housed for another reason, that 
it would attract gifts from persons who give them for a definite object. For 
himself he might say that he had given hundreds of objects to the British Museum 
and the museums of Oxford and Cambridge, but not to the Indian Museum because 
there did not appear to be an adequate place for the exhibits nor an adequate staff 
to look after them. On these grounds he would plead as earnestly as he could for 
a good Indian Museum in London. 

Dr. Maudslay urged the desirability of ear-marking the available space in the 
Imperial Institute for the Indian Museum, and for an ethnographical museum of the 
Empire, in case of the University of London moving from its present quarters. He 
pointed to the congestion in the British Museum, and added that the ethnographical 
galleries, which contained many objects of Indian interest, were already overcrowded. 
He believed that the authorities of the British Museum would be glad if their 
ethnographical collections could be removed to the Imperial Institute. He had 
himself spent many years working at the ancient civilisation of America, and had 

[ 31 ] 

No. 17,] MAN. [1913. 

given the results of his work to the nation. He would not go into the history, but 
would mention his collection of casts was now resting in the basement of the 
Victoria and Albert Museum and was likely to stay there, while Paris and New 
York had gladly received and exhibited sets of the same casts. It was evident 
that an Indian museum must be taken in hand soon. Time was passing, and 
during the next fifty or even ten or twenty years most objects worth having would 
be already appropriated, and we should lose important chapters in the history of 
human development. 

Colonel Yate said that he hoped no further delay would occur in providing for 
proper care and arrangement and development of the Indian Museum collections. It 
had come into the nation's possession without any cost to the nation, and it was 
the duty of the nation to see that it was fully utilised* There was undoubtedly a 
staff of experts in the country perfectly qualified to undertake the work. 

Sir M. M. Bhownaggree said that he knew that delay in dealing with this subject 
had been regarded in India by persons not acquainted with administrative difficulties as 
indifference to the interests of India ; but % without admitting the correctness of that 
view, it was certainly desirable that the prayer of the deputation should be granted. 
He hoped with Colonel Heudley that the Imperial Institute Galleries might be 
utilised. He had himself presented a corridor connecting the Imperial Institute 
Galleries with the Indian Museum, but it was still separated by a wall from the 
Indian Museum. It was possible, but perhaps hardly desirable, that a contribution 
might be obtained from the Indian revenues. 

The President of the Board of Education, in replying, said that he recognised 
that his department had been badly handicapped in dealing with two branches of its 
work, the Indian Collections and the Royal College of Art. Both required space, 
and the erection of the Science Museum made this especially urgent in the case of 
the Royal College of Art. The only space available in the South Kensington area, 
i.e., the triangular space at the south-west corner of the museum. This had been 
acquired and had been allotted by the Cabinet to the College of Art. It had not 
yet been possible to come to any decision as to the Indian Museum. Some changes 
of property might possibly be made in connection with alterations required by the 
College of Science, and if the London University should leave the Imperial Institute, 
the space it occupied there might become available. At present he was unable to 
commit his colleagues to any proposal, but the question would come up again as soon 
as it was decided whether the University of London was going to move. As to 
arrangement of the collections, great improvement had been made since 1909 ; the 
system of arrangement by materials was in accordance with that followed in the Victoria 
and Albert Museum, which had met with the approval of the general public and the 
majority of critics. New premises were undoubtedly required as the collection was 
developing and had greatly increased since the Indian contribution of 10,000 a 
year ceased. Better accommodation would undoubtedly attract exhibits. 

There was undoubtedly some force in the point urged by the deputation that we 
should have what he might call " conspicuous showmen with expert knowledge of the 
exhibits " appointed to rouse the interest of the public. This was rather for the 
future. He wished, however, to impress upon the deputation that an expert who had 
great knowledge of Indian languages or hieroglyphic inscriptions, or of Indian art, 
need not necessarily be the best custodian for exhibits. When exhibits were once 
properly arranged in cases, what was required was a staff properly trained as custodians 
of a museum. He was, however, prepared to consider how the staff might be 
strengthened so as to popularise the museum further. 

He and Lord Beauchamp were agreed as to the desirability of providing a museum 
in which the Indian collection might be satisfactorily housed. M. L. D. 

Trinted by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 1913. 









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[No. 18. 


Ethnology. With. Plate C. Edg-e-Partingrton. 

Note on certain Obsolete Utensils in England. />'// -I- Edge- 4 Q 

Partington. 10 

In MAX, 1911, 36, I gave a short description of a few obsolete utensils from 
Wales. Since then I have been able to get together some old English household 
specimens, mostly connected with cooking and brewing (Figs. 2 and 3). By the 
kindness of the Proprietor of The Studio I am able to reproduce two plates showing 

Fio. 1. 

{Reproduced, by kind permission, from " Ttie Studio" 1906.) 
[ 33 ] 

No. 18.] MAN.; [1913. 

a few specimens in the possession of Mr. Digby-Wyatt (Fig. 1) and the old room in 
his house at Westpn-Corbett, Hants, where they are preserved (Plate C). (These 
two plates appeared in the winter number of The Studio, 1906, pp. 42-43.) 


No. 1. "Pot-hook" of iron for regulating the height of the pot or kettle when 
cooking. It was hung suspended from the crane. Shropshire. 

No. 2. "Lazy-back" of wrought iron. This was hooked on to the pothook 
and held the kettle over the fire. By means of the lever the kettle could be tilted 
for pouring without having to lift it off the hooks. Shropshire. 

No. 3. Fork of polished iron with engraved ornament, for lifting meat, etc., 
from the pot. Worcestershire. 

Nos. 4 and 5. Meat skewers of polished iron. Worcestershire. 

No. 6. " Peel " of brass, with wrought-iron handle. Hertfordshire. 

No. 7. Iron " trivet " for placing on embers, when the fire was low, on which to 
stand the kettle. Sussex. 

No. 8. Brass " skillet " with iron band under the projecting rim, long iron 
handle, on the under side of which is a support to prevent tilting. Shropshire. 

No. 9. Iron cheese " taster." Shropshire. 

No. 10. Iron hanging candle and rushlight holder, with means for regulating 
the height. Shropshire. 

These were also used for sliding along an iron rod fixed on the beam over the 
open fireplace. 

No. 11. Standard candlestick of iron. The stick slides up and down the standard 
which rests on three feet. Hitchin, Herts. 

No. 12. "Jack-hook" of brass used in the days of open ranges. From it hung 
the meat-jack. Shropshire. 

No. 13. "Meat-jack" of brass. This contains clockwork, by means of which 
the joint was kept revolving slowly before the fire. Shropshire. 

No. 14. Iron "meat-hook" for attaching to the jack. Shropshire. 

No. 15. Brass "baster" with iron handle. Hook, Hants. 

No. 16. Skewer rack of polished iron. Shropshire. 

No. 17. 1 have included this with the hopes that I may find out its use. It 
is made of a thin band of iron to which are attached at regular intervals eight 
sharp-pointed hooks. There are two overarching bands of similar material crossing 
one another at right-angles, through these, at the point where they cross, passes a 
stout pin .with a circular ring on the upper end for suspension, and from the lower 
end hangs a stout triple hook. 

I have seen such depicted in old Dutch pictures hanging from the beam of the 
living room. 

No. 18. Japanned iron tobacco box, opened by dropping a coin through the 
slit, and then pressing the knob, upon it is the following inscription : 
" A halfpenny drop into the till, 
Press down the knob and you may fill. 
When you have filled, without delay 
Shut down the lid or sixpence pay." 

Baskingstoke, Hants. 

No. 1. Sieve used in brewing. 

No. 2. Sieve rest or " tongs." This held the sieve over the brewing tub. 
No. 3. Mash stirrer. 

No. 4. Plug of brewing tub. This stood upright in the tub. 

[ 34 ] 



J j) 

QSrtfc-g T>- .- ^ 

Nos. 18-19.] MAN. [1913. 

No. 5. Wooden beer bowl. 

No. 6. funnel. 

No. 7. beer cup. 

No. 8. tap, with screw. 

No. 9. plunger. 

No. 10. Basketwork " wilsh " for fixing on tap on inside of brewing tub to act 
as a strainer. 

No. 11. Faggot fork. 

No. 12. Iron-pronged implement ("bale") for fixing to scythe when used for 
cutting corn. 

No. 13. Reaping hook. 

No. 14. "Flasher" for hedging. 

No. 15. "Bond" (band) winder; for hay-bands. 

No. 16. Iron dibble. These were used in pairs for sowing corn, beans, etc. The 
man, using them, walked backwards making the holes, followed by another who 
dropped in the seed, filling in the holes with his feet. 

All the above came from the neighbourhood of Covehithe, Suffolk. 

No. 17. "Grit-bottle" for containing crushed sandstone, applied to the stick to 
sharpen scythes and hooks. Anglesey, North Wales. 

No. 18. Horn for giving calves draughts. Anglesey, North Wales. 


Archaeology : Prehistoric. Reid Moir. 

Flint Implements of Man from the Middle Glacial Gravel and JQ 
Chalky Boulder Clay of Suffolk. By J. Reid Moir. |J 

During the last seven years I have been carefully examining the exposures of 
middle glacial gravel and chalky boulder clay in East Suffolk, and have been suc- 
cessful in finding a good series of humanly-worked flints in these deposits. The 
specimens are very rare, but I have now got together sufficient to clearly show the 
types of implements which were made by pre-river-drift man in this neighbourhood. 

1. The Implements from the Middle Glacial Gravel. These are seen to fall 
into four well-defined groups, distinguished by their form, flaking, patination, and 
mineral condition. The most weathered and oldest-looking series approximates very 
closely to the flaked stones found in the plateau-drift of Kent ; the other groups 
show a gradual improvement in culture, the least ancient-looking series exhibiting 
flaking of a high order and little or no weathering. 

As these flints showing different colours occur in all gravel it appears that they 
acquired them at some period prior to the deposition of the gravel. 

If the gravel in which they now lie had stained them, it is presumed the flints 
would exhibit a uniform colouration. 

The patination of flint is supposed to take place only when the stones are 
exposed to atmospheric conditions on a land-surface, and it is suggested that the 
middle glacial gravel specimens were at one time lying so exposed before they were 
deposited in the bed where they are now found. 

It therefore seems reasonable to suppose that the middle glacial gravel is in 
part formed from a broken-up land surface. 

2. The Implements from the Chalky Boulder Clay. These were apparently 
made during the period between the deposition of the middle glacial gravel and the 
boulder clay. As the specimens are generally unpatinated and unrolled it seems that 
they were lying on a land surface for only a comparatively short time before beino- 
incorporated in the glacial clay. 

The boulder clay specimens are somewhat similar in form to the later Moustier 

[ 36 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 19-20, 

(palaeolithic) implements, in that many of them show a plain bnlbar surface, 
supplemented by fine edge-flaking, and are markedly different from the various groups 
in the middle glacial gravel and from those found in the detritus bed below the Red 
Crag of Suffolk. 

It is now demonstrated that human-struck flints occur in this latter deposit, in 
the later middle glacial gravel, and the overlying chalky boulder clay. 

All these beds ante-date by a long period the river terrace gravels containing the 
earliest Chellean (pakeolithic) implements. The various specimens described above will 
shortly be exhibited in the Ipswich Museum, where they will be open to inspection 
by all those who wish to go into this question. J. REID MOIR. 

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Warren. 

Problems of Flint Fracture. By S. Hazzledine JVarren, F.G.S. flfl 

With regard to the subject of Mr. J. Reid Moir's flint experiments described fcU 
in the Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia (Vol. I, Part II, 1912, 
p. 171), and in a letter to Nature of December 26, 1912, I may perhaps be permitted 
to explain that I have been a practical student of flint fracture since the year 1889, 
and that my conclusions differ from those of this author. 

Mr. Moir's work has not always been characterized by sound mechanical principle 
or carefulness of statement, so that one may be pardoned for looking closely into his 
methods before accepting his results. So far as the sack experiments are concerned 
I do not doubt that these have their value, but if we take them as representative of 
natural erosion in its totality, I think we shall be seriously misled. In a stream, a 
rain of blows is steadily delivered in a constant direction against other stones wedged 
in its bed. Moreover, the nature of the blows differs essentially from those delivered 
within the confined space of a sack. 

When one comes to consider the work of the sea (and one must not forget that 
the sub-Crag stone bed is a marine deposit) one fails to see how any analogy can be 
drawn between wave-action during storms and the operation of shaking up a few 
flints in a sack held between two men. Further, there are two factors of primary 
importance in Nature which no experiment can ever reproduce. These are (1) the 
quantity of material acted upon ; (2) the time during which the forces are operating. 

In the papers before us certain characters are set forth for the determination of 
human workmanship. Having, through the kindness of Mr. Reginald Smith, made a 
careful examination of Mr. Moir's British Museum exhibit of chipped flints, and having 
given each of these characters very careful consideration, I have no hesitation in stating 
it to be my deliberate opinion that these criteria are essentially unscientific. They 
are wide generalizations made upon insufficient data on the side of the experiments, 
while the comparison between the accidental results and designed flaking is further 
unsatisfactory, because the observations of the characters of genuine human implements 
are incorrect. 

I have put each of these characters to practical test and find that they all lead 
to false results. It is scarcely worth while to go through each in detail, but, as an 
illustration, one may take the rippling. Of 100 accidental concussion fractures made 
by experimental methods, and taken at random, I find that, judged by the theories 
before us, forty-nine of them would be proved to be human. Of the same number of 
prehistoric human flakiugs, forty-seven are proved by the same method to be natural. 

To test still further the question of the relation of the ripplings to the direction 
of the blow, I have made a special series of experiments, tabulating in each case 
(a) the direction of the blow, (6) the indication of that direction furnished by the 
three converging lines drawn as directed in the communications before us, (e) the 
strength of the ripplings. Upon analysing these results I found that I had made 

[ 37 ] 

Nos. 20-21.] MAJSf. [1913, 

eighty-three experiments ; fifty-four of these gave an erroneous indication of the 
direction of the blow, estimated as directed, and forty-five violated the alleged relation 
of the strength of the rippling to the direction of the blow. 

The material used in the above experiments represented as much variety as I 
could at the moment obtain from the glacial and pre-glacial deposits of the borders 
of Essex and Hertfordshire. None was fresh chalk flint. Mr. Moir says that he 
has used every kind of flint in his experiments. The British Museum exhibit is 
chiefly composed of one kind of flint only. This is unfortunate as it is my experience 
that results of the same process differ greatly according to the quality of the material 

So far from man executing only what is easy, as stated by Mr. Moir, and Nature 
doing the chipping that is more difficult, it is my experience that accidental chipping 
tends to follow the lines of least resistance, or, in other words, the " natural angles " 
of flint fracture, and that it is man who exercises control over the material in his 
endeavour to produce a desired result. 

I will not enter into the fallacy into which Mr. Moir has fallen with regard to 
the pressure of sand. One must, however, point out that the condition under which 
we believe that pressure-chipping may take place beneath the surface is through the 
grinding of one flint against another under pressure. The letter-press experiments 
described have no bearing upon this problem. The present writer pointed out in 1905 
(Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XXV, p. 354 ; PI. XXVI, Figs. 19, 20) that eolithic 
chipping which presents pressure characteristics was generally associated with 
scratched surfaces, and that these striated surfaces are suggestive of that movement 
under pressure which is required to effect the chipping. 

I agree with Mr. Moir upon the importance of studying flint experiments. 
Where we essentially differ is that my opponent takes certain special experiments as 
directly representative of natural conditions. Of some of these we may spare dis- 
cussion, as, for instance, when he gravely tells us that he has reproduced the conditions 
of an ice-sheet by seizing a flint in a pair of tongs and dragging it over a cement 
floor ! But apart from such slips, I venture to think that in all cases the application of 
experimental results to natural conditions requires careful and mature consideration. 

In this note I have confined myself to the general principles of flint chipping, 
and have not entered into the special problems presented by the sub-Crag flints. 

The history of the gradual acceptance of the palaeoliths has been urged in favour 
of the eoliths by almost every writer on the subject. But there is a contrary side to 
this which has never, I think, been adequately stated. Twenty years ago I was 
myself a collector of eoliths under the impression that they were human implements, 
and only reluctantly abandoned them after much thought and practical experiment. 
In this change of opinion, which was forced upon me by the accumulated experience 
of years, I do not stand alone. There are others, including practical flint workers 
like Mr. F. N. Haward, who have similarly changed their point of view by a 
line of work independent of my own. Possibly Mr. Moir, with the wider experience 
that only time will bring, may yet be added to their number. 


India, North. Tiger. 

Customs of the Ouraons. /'// Augustus Tiger. l\4 


. Before entering into the subject of my essay I must answer a question frequently 
asked of me, while I was speaking of the Ouraons : " Where is Chota Nagpur ? " 
It lies south of Behar and covers an area of 44,000 square miles. It is hilly almost 
throughout, scantily populated, and has by far the greater part of its surface covered 

( 38 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 21. 

with forest. Much of it is greatly fertile and it is rich in mineral resources, but, 
owing to its wildness and want of roads, its natural wealth has not been turned into 
account. Coal and mica are mined and exported. Iron and copper are abundant. 
The forest is infested with wild beasts, such as tigers, bears, wolves, jackals, pigs, 
deer, wild cows, wild buffaloes, and elephants in some parts. There are also various 
and numerous poisonous snakes. The country has very well-determined seasons : 
hot, rainy, and cold ; the hot weather lasts from the middle of March to the middle 
of June ; the rainy season thence to October ; the remainder of the twelve months 
is cold weather. Chota Nagpur is chiefly one large rice-producing country ; oil seeds, 
jute, indigo, sugar-cane, opium, tobacco, tea, coffee, grain, cotton, dyes, and drugs 
and other articles of produce. This is a brief description of the country where the 
Ouraons live ; and now, coming back to the proper subject, let us go back to the 
original home of this people. The Ouraons are the descendants of the Dravidiau 
family ; their language, according to Dr. Grierson, is more allied to Canarese than to 
any other language spoken in India. All they know about their origin is that the 
name of their first ancestor was Rawana, a famous king who lived in the south. 
One of their legends which they recite, when offering a kind of sacrifice to God, 
seems to be only a mutilated fragment of the Hindu legend, about Ram Lachmau 
and Sita, when Rawana runs away with Sita Ram's wife. Their traditions say that 
their primitive home was in the Carnatic, whence they went up the Narvada River 
and gradually pushed their way north-westward and went as far as Afghanistan, 
where they borrowed from the Afghans the hard gutturals. Finding the country not 
suited to their purpose they turned away from Afghanistan and directed their course 
towards the south-east, and finally settled in Behar, on the banks of the Sone ; and 
here they built at Ruidas a fort to protect themselves against the attacks of the 
Hindus or Muhammadans. They were victorious in several encounters, but once, 
on a feast day, all got drunk and were singing, dancing, and amusing themselves, 
when at night the Muhammadans came, captured the fort, and cut to pieces nearly 
the whole tribe. Some, however, managed to escape, and as they were pursued, 
divided themselves into two parties ; one of these directed its course towards 
the Rajmahal Hills, and now -form quite a separate tribe called Mahli, while the 
other ascended the Sone into Palamau and, turning eastward along the Koel, : took 
possession of the north-western portion of the Chota Nagpur plateau. The number 
of persons enumerated under the head Ouraon at the census of 1901 was 600,000. 
As to their profession they are generally all farmers. 

Having given you, therefore, in short the history of the Ouraons, I now draw your 
attention to their social and religious customs ; but to shorten my essay I shall not 
enter much into details. The Ouraons are sociable, kind, light-hearted, and fond of 
music, dancing, and drinking. They have no general administrative organisation ; there 
is no recognised head of the whole tribe, and the authority of any given man does not 
extend beyond the limits of his own village. The only organisation to safeguard the 
customs of the tribe is a general " panchayat " of the chief men of a group of villages. 
According to the etymology of the word, this should be composed of five members 
only, but in practice the "panch" is the whole community represented by its eldest 
members, namely, the panch, the munda, the pahan, and the mahto. A " panchayat " 
is an assembly of the " panch," or the eldest people of the village, to discuss a question 
or settle difficulties that arise in the community. To defray the expenses of these 
assemblies they put aside in every village a certain amount of land called pancbayati 
khet ; this belongs to the community and may be cultivated by anyone on condition 
he feeds the "panch" whenever there is an assembly. In villages where there are 
not two parties in continual opposition to each other, the " panch " can be relied upon 
to settle questions in the best way possible. Practically in cases where the laws do 

[ 39 ] 

No. 21] MAN. [1913. 

not interfere, the " panch " can decide all difficulties and disputes that may arise in 
an Ouraon community. They can settle land disputes, difficulties about inheritance, 
marriage questions, adultery cases, and any violation of the customs of the tribe. 

Wherever this form exists the people are divided into three "khunts" the 
pahan khunt, the mahto khunt, and the munda khunt. To understand the khunt 
system we have to go back in mind to the time when the Ouraons first settled in 
Chota Nagpur. The Mundaries were before them. They had cleared the jungle and 
made several villages, but there were still many more to be made ; and, as there was 
plenty of room for both, the Mundaries did not interfere with the new-comers. These 
in their turn began to clear the juugle and make new paddy-fields. At that time 
there was no raja in possession of the country, and the Ouraons adopted the same 
system as that prevailing among the mundaries. The first son of the first settler 
became the munda, namely, the head or chief, and the second became pahan. Later 
on the third son became the mahto. According to their hereditary system, the munda 
or the first son got more land than the pahan or the second son, and the pahan more 
than the mahto or the third son. The munda became the chief of the village as being 
the possessor of most of the lands. The pahan became the priest of the village and, 
besides his share by inheritance, got from the community four acres of land called 
pahnai. This he cultivates to defray the expenses connected with different pujas. 
The mahto, whose office was at first that of a village policeman, got also a special land 
from the community called mahtot khet. When the rajas began to take possession of 
the country they left these three khunts in possession of their respective lands, whilst 
the new settlers had to pay rents, and the mahto became the rent collector in raja's 

One more explanation about the khunts might perhaps throw some light on the 
subject. As they are all the descendants of the same man, namely, of the first settler, 
all the members of these three khunts in the same village have the same " gatar," or 
family name. Hence we see that they are divided into a great number of groups, or 
septs, each bearing the name either of a plant or an animal, as, for example, Bakla= 
paddy-bird ; ekka = tortoise ; kerketa = a kind of hedge-sparrow ; lakra = tiger ; xaxa = 
crow ; xalxo = a kind of fish ; ofirgora = hawk ; minj = a kind of fish ; bara = fig tree ; 
bek = salt ; kuzur = a kind of creeper, &c. These divisions of the caste are called 
gotars, and on no account will they allow two people of the same gotar to marry. The 
gotar is always reckoned solely from the male side. 

We have seen now how the Ouraons are attached to the observances of their 
caste system, and I think it will not be out of place to say a few words about the 
offences for which the punishment is expulsion from the tribe. These offences 
are : 

1. Eating cooked rice with any man not belonging to the tribe, or eating rice 
cooked by any one but a member of the tribe. 

2. Sexual intercourse with any member of any other caste. 

3. Drinking water or rice-beer or eatirg bread with any member of caste or 
tribe with whom it is forbidden to do so. 

The first and the third offences but partly concern the unmarried people, who can 
drink water, rice-beer, and eat rice, bread, and meat with all the aboriginal and semi- 
aboriginal tribes, except with Lohars, Ghasis, Turis, Chamars, and Dusadhs. When 
a man has been guilty of any of the offences mentioned above he is ejected from 
the tribe, and even his family abandons him. If he wishes to be readmitted, he goes 
to the " kartaha," who fixes a day for the panchayat. On the appointed day all 
the chief men of the surrounding villages are summoned to attend at the meeting. 
They all assemble at the village of the guilty man and form a great committee with 
the kartaha at their head. They discuss the question, weigh the fault of the culprit, 

[ 40 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 21. 

and settle how much he has to pay and give. This depends on the fault committed 
and on the means of the man. The penalty, however, is always a heavy one, 
especially for the poor, for he has to feed all the members of the panchayat and 
the whole village for one day and a half ; and they are not satisfied with a dry meal 
with rice and meat but they must be supplied with plenty of rice-beer. And, of 
course, on such an occasion everybody makes most of the opportunity. The least 
that the kartaha takes for his recompense is Rs. 10. At the last common meal the 
man is called and if he has done everything to the satisfaction of the panchayat he 
is allowed to sit and eat with the community, not, however, before receiving a sound 
admonition from the kartaha. 

Let us now turn our attention to the religious customs of the Ouraons. Generally 
eight days after the birth of a child they have the ceremony of the " chathi " or the 
giving of the name. In this we find an instance of how difficult it is at times to 
reconcile the proverbial indifference and improvidence of the ignorant people with 
the precaution they take for the welfare of their children. On that day some men 
of the village representing the panch assemble at the house of the child ; friends and 
relatives are invited. The ceremony then begins ; two leaf cups, one full of water, 
the other full of paddy, are brought. The head of the child is shaved by one of 
the members of the family or by a relative, and the hair is put in the cup containing 
water. Then one of the members of the panch taking one grain of paddy and 
pronouncing their usual formula, "Above God, below the panch," drops it in the 
name of God in the water, and taking another grain does the same in the name of 
their ancestors. These two grains have to meet together. If they do not meet they 
try after a month or two for the second, third, fourth, and fifth time. During the 
intervals of these attempts a little hair is left to grow in the nape of the neck, and 
if in some necessary circumstances this hair is cut, they carefully keep it for the 
next ceremony ; for, they say, that if they throw it away through negligence, the 
curse of their ancestors will fall upon the child and his head will be bald. If after 
several attempts the grains do not meet, they give up the ceremony, and the child 
is always looked upon with suspicion, and life for such a child is then very hard. 

When, however, the two grains have met, they are satisfied that God is pro- 
pitious to the child. They then drop in one grain in the child's name, and one in 
the name of each of his ancestors, pronouncing their names. They continue to do so 
till one of the grains meets with the one dropped in the child's name. The name 
pronounced when this particular grain is dropped in will be the name of the child. 
The succession of the names brought forward is as follows : first the paternal grand- 
father's name, then the paternal great grandfather's, the father's, the paternal uncle's, 
and the maternal grandfather's ; then the names of other relatives. The paddy left in 
the second cup after the ceremony is kept for seed, and what it yields at harvest time 
is kept and sown again, and so on from year to year, until by constant progression it 
is sufficient to buy a cow or some goods, which in their turn increase and become 
the property of the child. This is called " punji," and is designed to be given at 
the time of the marriage. In addition to the punji the friends and the relatives who 
come to attend at the ceremony give to the child, as far as their means can help them, 
either a cow, or a goat, or some money. 

All the Ouraon boys burn out deep marks on the fore-arm of the left hand. 
This they do to be recognised and be received in the community by the Ouraons when 
they go into the other world. The burning of the arm is done in the following way. 
A burning taper is placed on the arm and is let to continue very slowly till it is 
wholly burnt and extinguished. The ashes that are left behind after the wick haa 
been burned are applied to the wound, and any other medicine must not be made use 
of. The marks should always be odd ones in number, and as a rule they all have 

[ 41 ] 

No. 21.] MAN. [1913. 

five marks, but some have more. They say that the more marks one has the more rich 
and fortunate will he be. Similarly the girls are tattooed in their childhood with 
three vertical lines on the forehead and with two on each of the temples. 

In every Ouraon village there is a common sleeping hall called " Dbumkuria," 
where all the bachelors of the village must, when not absent from it, sleep under 
penalty of a fine. Immediately in front of the hall is the dancing arena, about forty 
feet in diameter, with a stone or post marking its centre. It is surrounded by seats 
for tired dancers or non-dancing spectators, and shaded by fine old tamarind trees. 
During the festive seasons of the year dancing commences shortly after sunset, and if 
the supply of liqueur holds out is often kept up till sunrise. 

When a boy is twelve or thirteen years of age it is time for him to be a member 
of the common dormitory. The Dhumkuria boys form a kind of association, and they 
pledge themselves to the greatest secrecy about what is going on in their dormitory. 
Woe to the boy who dares to break that pledge. He would be most unmercifully 
beaten and looked upon as an outcast. In order, they say, to make the boys hardy 
and manly members of the tribe they have a kind of mutual training, in which the 
eldest boys of the dhumkuria bully the younger ones and make them suffer all kinds 
of troubles and bodily punishment. There is, in fact, a regular system of bullying. 
All the novices have to undergo three years' probation. During the winter they 
have to get up every day at the second cock's crow and go barebody to the nearest 
river, if there is any, or to the tank and have a bathe. The} 7 must come back before 
sunrise. During summer all must gather firewood for the winter, which they do, but 
are not allowed to warm themselves. They must also learn every day fencing, drum- 
beating, playing on flutes, and many other things besides which are too numerous to 
be mentioned. In all their undertakings the novices are not left to themselves, but 
there is one always to direct them. 

Leaving aside the feasts and pujas (for to enter into this branch of the subject 
would require far more space than can here be afforded) we come now to the last, but 
not the least interesting subject, namely, the marriage. The marriage ceremonies of 
the Ouraons are very complicated. The boy and the girl have absolutely nothing 
to say about the matter, but everything is settled by the parents. The average age 
of the boy is about sixteen or seventeen, and that of the girl is about fourteen or 
fifteen. When the boy is about fourteen or fifteen years of age his parents look out 
for a wife for him. When they have found the girl who they think will suit their son, 
they choose a trustworthy man who knows the girl well, and who is very familiar 
with her parents. This man is called " Agua," or the leader, and has to negotiate the 
marriage alliance with the girl's parents. The father of the boy gives him as a 
recompense for his undertaking three pots of rice-bee) 1 , two hams, and three or four 
rupees. The office of the "Agua" is very difficult sometimes, for he is always 
responsible for misfortunes that may arise from either side. 

It may sometimes happen that the girl is not faithful to her husband, or she is 
not well treated, then in such cases they can impose a heavy fine on the man if 
they wish to do so. But it is indeed very seldom that such cases occur. When the 
Agua has settled the matter with the girl's parents the father of the boy goes, after 
three or four days, to the house of the girl -with the Agua and some others repre- 
senting the panch. On reaching the house all stand in silence before the door, 
when the father of the house comes out and addresses them thus : " What are you in 
" search of, my brothers ? Welcome to you all ; why are you so early to-day ? Where 
" do you come from, and where do you want to go now, &c." The father of the 
boy then makes answer, saying : " We come from a far region ; we have lost a calf, 
" which we heard came in this village ; do you know where it is ? Can you give 
" us a helping hand to find it out ? If not we direct our course to north or south." 

I 42 1 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 21-22. 

This conversation goes on for about ten minutes, and none but the old people can 
understand the meanings of their disguised speech. When at last the father of the 
girl has given them his assurance they all enter into the house and discuss the 
question of the omens seen on the road. If any bad omen has been noticed they 
agree that the marriage shall not take place. " Brother," they say, " God does not 
" want this marriage to take place, let us not go against his will." If, on the contrary, 
nothing unlucky has happened they eat and drink, and a day is settled for the girl's 
father to come and see the boy. As soon as the girl's "father arrives the question of 
omens is again discussed. Eight days after this visit the father of the boy goes with 
the panch to the girl's house to settle the price of the marriage. The settling of the 
price is done as follows : The father of the girl takes some balls of cowdung and 
some pebbles (which means that he wants so many bulls and rupees as there are 
balls and pebbles) and wraps them in a leaf and passes them to the boy's father, 
who opens and sees them. If he is not able to give so much as he is asked he 
diminishes the number and passes it back. This is repeated again and again till 
both agree. When the price is settled the rejoicing begins. Both fathers get up 
and embrace each other, and from that time they call themselves " samdhi." All 
the people of the village are invited to the feast, and from every house a pot of 
rice-beer is brought, and they drink together and make merry. All this time the 
girl has been kept aside, but now she suddenly sallies forth carrying a pot of rice- 
beer on her head. She comes and stands in front of her future father-in-law, who 
at once takes the pot from her head, embraces her, and offers her a seat next to him. 
She remains there sitting during the whole time of the feast. The party returns 
home as soon as the feast is over. The marriage will take place only two or three 
years afterwards. During that period two regular visits are paid annually by the 
girl's parents. A few days before the marriage there is another visit paid by the 
boy's parents, in which a day for the marriage is fixed. During this ceremony both 
the fathers get up, and in the middle of the assembly join arms, and one of them 
says, " He who wishes to cut let him cut ; what is joined with iron can be sepa- 
" rated ; what is joined with flesh cannot be separated." Then all shout together, 
" It is done ! It is done ! " The ceremonies and the enjoyments of the marriage 
day are much more lengthy and complicated. 

The marriage of the Ouraons is administered and made legal and valid by the 
bridegroom and the bride when they put vermilion on the head of each other. 


Gaul. Rice Holmes. 

Ccesar^s Conquest of Gaul. By T. Rice Holmes. Second edition. Oxford : OO 
Clarendon Press, 1911. " 

Of the 850 pages of this work some eighty are devoted to a discussion of the 
ethnology of Gaul, and these it will well repay any anthropologist to read. 

The author says that "he need not be afraid, even if he is not a Celtic scholar 
" or a professed anthropologist, to form an opinion of his own." With this we 
cordially agree, and believe that it is a privilege to hear the criticism of a historian 
trained in sifting evidence, but free from anthropological bias, on a subject in which 
many of us have formed definite and it may be hide-bound opinions. 

In his introduction the author thinks that in general neither Sergi's method nor 
cranial measurement, by which he seems to mean the cranial index, is sufficient in 
itself, but that the rivals should combine. He might, we think, have gone further 
quite safely and have said that the cranial index and Sergi's method combined are 
not enough upon which to found a generalisation, for anthropologists are beginning 

[ 43 1 

Nos, 22-23,] MAN. [1913. 

to realise that they must put a good deal more spadework into their subject before 
they can speak with any real authority. 

When he comes to the question of environment he gives Professors Ridgeway 
and William Wright a very bad time indeed. It is quite possible that these poor 
gentlemen deserve all they have got in the particular arguments which the author 
has picked out, bat to those who know them it is at least doubtful whether they 
are the dullards which a reader of this book who does not know their full scientific 
record would imagine. 

Here perhaps we may justly remark that Dr. Rice Holmes shows a rather needless 
acidity towards some of his fellow workers who have come to conclusions different 
from his own, and we may instance the footnote on p. 325 in which he says, " the 
" absurd but widely accepted theory that the Goidels were identical with the Round 
" Barrow ' race ' of Britain is refuted in Anc. Britain, pp. 429-33." It is quite true 
that he has made out a masterly case against so regarding them, but those who are 
handling and digging up the remains of this people do not necessarily feel that 
" absurd " is a happy adjective with which to brush away the facts which make 
some of us think it likely that the Bronze Age race or people of the round barrows 
may have been Goidels after all. 

The literature of the ethnology and physical characteristics of the Palaeolithic 
inhabitants, Ligurians, Iberians, true Celts, and Germanic invaders of Gaul, is re- 
viewed temperately and thoroughly, and to the best of our judgment may be taken 
as a fair summing up of the present state of our knowledge of these peoples ; but 
the thing which strikes us as unhappy is that, while these Jong-headed people are 
treated with all fulness, the short-headed stock is left with very scant notice. 

To-day, as in Caesar's time, the typical Frenchman is a short, dark, round-headed 
individual, and the round-headed stock which the author, agreeing with most anthro- 
pologists, believes came into Gaul from the East, has absorbed and masked all the 
long-headed peoples who were there before they came and all who have come since. 

This seems to justify the opinion that the short-headed people require most 
attention in working out the ethnology of Gaul, and one could wish that the author 
had criticised the various theories of the origin and language of these people as fully 
and competently as he has those of the long heads. 

As has been said already, the ethnological part of this book is a serious review 
and criticism of our knowledge up to two or three years ago, and one which no 
anthropologist can afford to leave unread. The rest of the book is delightful reading, 
but is quite beyond the powers of the present writer to criticise. 


Palaeolithic Art. Breuil : Capitan : del Rio : Peyrony : Sierra. 

La Caverne de Font de Gaume, aux Eyzies, Dordogne. Par L. Capitan 
H. Breuil et D. Peyrony. Monaco, 1910. Pp. viii + 255. Planches et 
Figures par H. Breuil. 

Les Cavernes de la Regione Cantaluque. Par H. Alcalde del Rio, H. Breuil et 
L. Sierra. Monaco, 1912. Pp. viii + 265. Planches et Figures par H. Breuil. 

These handsome and finely illustrated volumes continue the series of monographs 
on prehistoric caves, published at the expense of the Prince of Monaco. The 
possibility of issuing them, as of their predecessor on Altamira, may be said to be 
mainly due to the fortunate union in the person of M. 1'Abbe H. Breuil of enthusiasm 
for the study of the prehistoric archeology and artistic ability. All the beautifully 
coloured plates in these volumes, as in that on Altamira, are from his pencil. The 
amount of labour and trouble incurred, the difficulties overcome by this intrepid 
observer, and the acuteness of his interpretations, can only be fully appreciated by 

[ 44 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 23. 

those who have carefully studied the topography of the caves, and the situation of 
the remarkable drawings upon their walls. 

The volume on Font de Gaume is in some ways complementary to that on 
Altamira. Whilst the latter contains a detailed ethnographic study and comparison 
of similar artistic productions among primitive peoples like the American Indians, 
Bushmen, and Australians, the authors of the former have devoted several chapters 
(X.-XV.) to a study of the representation of animals in palaeolithic art, both on the 
walls of caves and in objects found in the floor deposits. The various engravings 
and paintings of the mammoth rhinoceros, carnivora, reindeer, the great stag, and 
bison are all subjected to a careful and critical survey, which forms, after the frescoes, 
the most interesting and useful part of the work. In the Cantabrian volume the 
study is continued for hornless deer and reindeer, and birds. A description is also 
given of representation of the elephant on rock surfaces in North and South Africa. 
The animal most often represented on the walls of Font de Gaume is the bison ; 
one little chamber was styled by the explorers Salle des petits Bisons, for there are 
no less than a dozen polychromes of this animal on its walls. The figures of extinct 
animals are in some ways more interesting. There are several of the mammoth, 
though they are by no means so numerous as in the neighbouring cave of Corn- 
barelles. The discovery of a complete drawing in broad red line of a rhinoceros is 
certainly one of the most striking results of the exploration of this cave. The head 
only of another, also in red line, occurs in a different part of the cavern. These 
are the only known prehistoric paintings of this animal. The few engravings of it 
yet discovered two on stone from Lourdes and the trilobite cave, and another on 
stalagmite at Gourdan are much inferior as works of art. The authors compare 
the paintings and engravings of the rhinoceros by the Bushmen of South Africa with 
these Font de Gaume drawings. 

As in so many of the French caves containing mural decoration, the paintings 
at Font de Gaume do not appear until the cave is penetrated for a considerable 
distance, about 70 yards. This leads the authors to devote a chapter to a discussion 
of the reasons for the absence of the drawings in the first part of the cave. They 
suggest that it was not intentional on the part of the artists to begin their work so 
far from the entrance, and recall in support of this view the much earlier appearance 
of mural decoration at Marsoulas, Pair-uon-Pair, Hornos de la Pena, and elsewhere. 
Reasons are given for the belief that the absence of paintings is due to their 
destruction in the course of time. Frost and vegetation will account for this over 
only a comparatively short distance from the entrance, say 20 yards. They attribute 
it to corrosion of the walls through damp favoured by movements of the air due to 
seasonal changes of temperature. Such movements are naturally much less in the 
inner recesses of a cave, and at Font de Gaume are reduced to a minimum in the 
great gallery containing the frescoes owing to the cavern narrowing almost to closure 
near its entrance, a point picturesquely termed the Rubicon by the explorers. 

It is somewhat singular the only animal whose bones are found in any great 
quantity, according to M. Harle, to whom the osseous relics were submitted for 
examination, is the cave bear. In keeping with this, numerous deep striaj on the walls 
are believed to have been produced by the claws of this animal. The authors give 
an account, illustrated with photographs, of these markings, pointing out how in some 
cases they correspond to the row of claws on the bear's foot, and, moreover, at just 
such a height as the animal's fore paws would reach were he to stand on his hind 
legs facing the wall. Involuntarily we see before our eyes this quaternary mammal 
in the cave assuming a position so natural and so often observed in his modern 
representative ! 

A detailed description of the frescoes with two plans, thirty-eight coloured plates, 

[ 45 ] ' 

No. 23.] MAN. [1913. 

and a large number of photographs by Lasalle of Toulouse enable the reader to 
appreciate the extraordinary decoration extending for 60 yards along the whole of the 
left side of the large gallery, a part of the right side, in a lateral gallery to the 
right, and in the Salle des Bisons. Among the animals represented are mammoths, 
bison, reindeer, horses, and the rhinoceros. The patience and care with which the 
authors have carried out their investigation appear on almost every page. Every 
engraved line has been carefully and truthfully recorded, and it is clearly shown how 
often the figures were engraved before colour was applied. 

The Cantabrian volume is mainly devoted to a description of the cave of Castillo, 
some miles south-east of Altamira, discovered in 1903 by H. Alcalde del Rio. The 
clever pencil of M. Breuil is again assisted by a long series of photographs, which 
show the nature of the surrounding country and those parts of the interior in which 
the engravings and paintings are situated. The latter are triumphs of photographic 
art, being sometimes obtained from most difficult and almost inaccessible positions, 
and reflect the greatest credit on the resource and ability of M. Lasalle. Castillo is 
a very large cavern more than 300 metres long, and containing a number of chambers. 
In one place there are nearly fifty designs of hands stencilled out on a red ground, 
forming what the authors designate the Friese des Mains. These recall the similar 
designs at Gargas, and, like them, are mostly of the left hand, but they show no sign 
of mutilation which has there attracted so much attention. There are paintings of 
animals, as the elephant, bison, and stag, outlined in red or yellow, and others, as 
the horse and ibex in black broad bands. Polychromes are very few : they resemble 
in execution those at Altamira. There are also many engravings of animals. The 
authors describe no less than fourteen other caves in this region showing more or 
less evidence of mural decoration. Of these the following more particularly attract 
attention. Hornos de la Pefia, not far from Castillo, and discovered in the same 
year, contains, in addition to numerous engravings of horses, ibex, and bison, and a 
tailed anthropomorphic figure with uplifted arms like those at Altamira, meandering 
lines, and outlines of animals traced out in clay, covering in places the walls. The 
same thing is seen at St. Clotilde d'Isabel, a cave not far from Altamira. These 
designs, apparently made with the finger, recall the tracings of arabesques and animals 
executed on the roof at Gargas. At Pindal in Oviedo, a cave, situated in a very 
inaccessible position close to the sea, contains figures of an elephant, hind, and 
bison outlined in broad red bands, and engravings, the most striking of which is a 
marine fish 18 inches long, the fins and tail being distinctly shown. With the 
exception of the engravings supposed to be of trout on the floor at Niaux, this is 
the only representation of a fish yet discovered on the wall of a cave. Niaux is 
also recalled here by the presence of club-shaped or clariform designs. El Pendo is 
notable for an engraving of a bird, an animal rarely seen among these mural drawings, 
and by no means common, engraved or carved on objects found in floor deposits. At 
Santian are broad linear designs suggestive of an arm with the hand ; other plain 
broad red bands have a trident-like termination ; others again are quite plain with 
no finger-like ends. It is suggested that these designs represent weapons comparable 
to the boomerang and nulla-nulla of the Australian natives. Non-zoomorphic designs 
occur more or less in all these caves, and include red dots or discs arranged in series 
of rows. They are most numerous at Castillo, where the design termed tectiform is 
often found. The authors discuss this design at some length as it is believed to 
represent a hut, and compare it with similar designs found in other caves as Marsoulas, 
Altamira, and Font de Gaume. The authors of the Font de Gaume volume also pay 
considerable attention to this subject, and, in fact, devote a whole chapter to its 
discussion. They give illustrations of the huts of several primitive peoples for com- 
.parison. The study of [the full description of these designs and the ethnographic 

' [ 46 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 23. 

comparisons given in these two volumes will go a long way towards removing the 
scepticism at first not unnaturally felt regarding this interpretation. If correct it is 
certainly of great interest, for it brings us one step nearer the actual life of .palaeolithic 
man, and we may permit our imagination to dwell-on the representation of the simple 
dwellings in which the very artists themselves dwelt. 

Since the publication of the Cantabrian volume another cave of exceptional 
interest has been discovered in the same region. It is that of La Pasiega, near 
the hamlet of Villanueva, first noticed by M. Obermeier in May 1911 and since 
explored by him with M. Breuil and Alcalde del Rio. On its walls no less than 
226 paintings and 36 engravings have been counted deer, horses, oxen, bison, stags, 
ibex and chamois are among the animals represented as well as dozens of tectiform 
and other inanimate designs. Most of the coloured figures are in red, a few only in 
yellow or black. The explorers remark on the large number of deer with antlers, 
recalling the remarkable paintings in a rockshelter of great interest recently discovered 
at Alpera in the south-east of the peninsula. 

In both volumes the evolution of the mural decoration of the caves is discussed. 
Wherever the walls of a cave prevent any considerable number of drawings, some 
will be found superposed on others of an older date. This at once suggests a 
possible means of discovering the relative age or order of appearance of the different 
figures. Evidence of the age of the drawings is also sought by comparing them 
with those on objects found in the floor deposits of known age, and with drawings 
of similar style in other caves. Opinions on this subject are not unnaturally some- 
what fluid and undergo modification as knowledge increases. Completely satisfactory 
conclusions can hardly be said to have yet been reached, though the question has been 
carefully studied at Font de Gaume, Altamira and Castillo. They must still be 
regarded as to some extent sub judice. In the Cantabrian volume the authors have 
treated the subject in a very detailed manner, and draw up quite an elaborate series 
of stages of evolution. If an attempt is made to state what appears to be most 
clearly established it might be said, first of the paintings. The earliest coloured designs 
are those of the hand, as seen at Castillo, Gargas, and in a less degree at Altamira 
and Font de Gaume. Of the drawings the oldest are those depicted in simple lines 
of colour black or red. Then come figures slightly modelled in black, rarely in 
red. These are followed by broad red-lined forms. Paintings of one uniform tint 
are a later stage, and finally polychromes appear. These, at first immature, showing 
only slight combination of colours, are followed by beautifully finished productions 
like the fine polychromes at Altamira and Font de Gaume. Secondly, with regard to 
the engravings. Here the linear and animal designs traced in clay are exceedingly 
interesting because the authors apparently regard them as earlier than any engravings 
on the rocky surface. We may, in fact, regard them as the first efforts in this 
department of representative art. The oldest of the rock engravings are executed in 
deep broad lines. Later the lines become shallower, and finally are fine and delicate, 
and may be combined to form a scratched or hatched surface. The tectiform designs 
seem to present a difficulty, for, whilst at Font de Gaume they appear in such a 
relation to the polychromes as to place them amongst the most recent decorative 
elements, the authors of the Cantabrian volume regard them as comparatively early, 
placing them in the second of the four stages into which they divide their evolu- 
tionary series. We may hope and expect that further study of this most interesting 
phase of palaeolithic art in other decorated caves will clear up these difficulties, and 
demonstrate fully the order in which the drawings were executed, and incidentally 
throw some light on the fascinating problem of the origins of representative art 
among mankind. E. A. PARKYN. 

[ 47 ] 

Nos. 24-25.] MAN. [1913. 

Africa, South. Junod. 

The Life of a South African Tribe. By Henri A. Junod. A J 

This volume constitutes the first half of the new edition of M. Junod's 
monograph on the Baronga, the first edition of which was published fourteen years 
ago. It must be said at once that the author has given us good measure, well 
pressed down, and while no adequate appreciation of the work is possible until the 
whole has appeared, the 500 pages or so now issued make it clear that this book 
will constitute the most important account yet given of any South African tribe, and 
that it will be one of the main weapons in the armoury of all future investigations 
into the ethnology and folklore, not only of the Bantu, but also of the Nilotes in the 
neighbourhood of the Great Lakes and even to the north in the Sudan. 

Further, it has, or should have, enormous importance for all engaged in ad- 
ministering the natives of South Africa. Compared with its former avatar, that half 
of the work now under consideration is as long as the whole of Les Ba-Ronga, 
while everywhere additional details of the greatest importance are given. It would 
be possible to write an article of any number of pages pointing out the interest of 
the information presented by M. Junod, but even a cursory mention of the most 
important would be out of place in a preliminary notice ; it is, however, legitimate to 
draw attention to the author's workmanlike device of describing in the preface the 
qualifications of his chief informants. Among these was Mankhelu, " an elder son of 
" Shiluvane, the late chief of the Nkuna clan, who had been for many years the 
" prince-regent of the Ba-Nkuna till the actual chief Muhlaba came of age. Mankhelu 
" was the general of the army, the great doctor of the royal kraal one of the main 
" councillors, and entirely convinced bone-thrower, a priest of his family, a Bantu so 
" deeply steeped in obscure conceptions of a Bantu mind that he never could get 
" rid of them, and remained a heathen till his death in 1908." It is obvious that 
information collected sympathetically from such an authority cannot be other than 
priceless, and readers of this book will join with the author in regretting Mankhelu's 

The book is, in fact, so well done that it is almost presumptuous for any one 
who has not lived among the Bantu to point out weaknesses, but since the busi- 
ness of the critic is to criticise it may be pointed out that M. Junod's use of the 
word "taboo" is unsatisfactory (cf., e.g., pp. 44, 45, and 166), while going through 
the book the writer continually felt that it would have been easier to understand if 
the account of the regulation of public life given in the third part and presumably 
to be continued in the fourth part (in the volume not yet published) had preceded 
those sections dealing with the life of the individual. These are, however, but slight 
defects in a great work upon which M. Junod may be heartily congratulated. 

C. G. S. 

India. Coomaraswamy. 

Visivakarma. Specimens of Indian Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, flC 
Handicraft. Chosen by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc. Parts I. and II. fcU 
In this publication Dr. Coomaraswamy proposes to produce a series of examples 
of important works of Indian art, and judging from the first two parts, each con- 
taining twelve plates, the collection will be a valuable one to all students of Oriental 
art. The first series is to consist of one hundred examples of sculpture, and in 
these parts the specimens have been selected with care and judgment, and the* 
photographic reproductions are excellent. Some of them have been published already 
in works on art by Dr. Coomaraswamy and Mr. Havell, but the publication of a 
series of plates alone without letterpress will no doubt be found useful. The 
sculptures from Konarak deserve especial notice. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



MAN, 1913. 

FIG. i. 

FIG. 2. 

1913.] MAN. [No, 26. 

Australia, South. With Plate D. Basedow. 

Burial Customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South 
Australia. By Herbert Basedow, M.D., M.A., B.Sc., F.G.S., $c. ; Local 
Correspondent of the Royal Anthropological Institute, London; Hon. Fellow of the 
Anthropological Society, Gottingen ; Hon. Corresponding Member of the Geographical 
Society, Hamburg, fyc. 

Introduction. As the influence of civilisation advances, step by step, into remote 
districts, which had hitherto lent a charm by being classed as "primitive wilds where 
" Nature unadulterated reigns," so must ever be lost to science countless treasures 
through lack of interest and want of observation on the part of the hardy pioneers, 
who, in their determined struggle against drought, heat, and exposure, have, of 
necessity, little or no time left to think of noting facts and thus preserving valuable 
material for scientific research. The living thus often vanishes from the face of the 
earth without a record. In few instances, only, a temporary or permanent monument 
remains for a subsequent observer to decipher, and throw but a little light upon 
the characteristics and doings of the past. It was a relic of this description that I 
recently had the good fortune to discover in the North Flinders Ranges, while com- 
missioned by the South Australian Government to examine that country geologically. 
With the exception of a small group of semi-civilised and corrupted natives, now 
living at the Government Depot at Mount Serle, none are nowadays to be found 
roaming about their ancient haunts ; but evidence is at hand to show that, in years 
gone by, the country was inhabited by a powerful tribe, which I have elsewhere 
referred* to as the " Two-tooth " natives. 

Among other things, I found two aboriginal graves during my exploration of 
the Ranges. These are of exceptional interest, not only because their particular 
method of burial has not been described from the district, but because one of the 
skeletons demonstrates, in a very explicit way, some of the attendant burial rites. 

Locality of Graves. Two graves were found in the same tract of country, lying 
between Lakes Frome and Torrens, viz., one near Bobmoony Well, about twelve 
miles east of Beltana, and another on Mundy Creek, about seventeen miles south-east 
of Lyndhurst. 

General Description. The Bobmoony grave is that of an old male aboriginal, 
and that on Mundy Creek is that of an aged female. A permanent natural-water 
exists at either site ; consequently, there is no doubt that the natives used to select 
these places as their camping grounds, and, while they were camped there, the 
individuals here referred to died. In either case, the grave had been dug about 
one mile due west of the water, and the mode of interment was alike in both. The 
long axis of the grave ran due north and south. The corpse was laid on its back 
at a depth of about two feet below the natural surface of the ground. The head pointed 
to the south and the face was turned to the left, that is, towards the setting sun. 
In the Bobmoouy case, the skeleton lay fully extended and, so far as the mutilation 
allowed judgment, the same was true of the female buried at Mnndy Creek. The 
arms had been laid in a normal, lateral position along the body, but were slightly 
flexed in the former case so that the old man's hands rested upon his thighs. In 
filling up the graves, the corpses had first been covered with leaves and other 
vegetable waste, and upon this had been placed a layer of short pieces of wood 
(which, however, at the time of my examination, had almost completely rotted away). 

* Vide Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 1907, p. 709. The information concerning the practice of 
the knocking out of the incisors among these natives was given me by old residents. In several 
skeletons that I personally examined there was no evidence of any of the incisors having been 
removed intra i-itam. 

[ 49 ] 

No. 26.] 



Immediately over the wood .restsd a number of flat slab* of clay slate, which com- 
pletely covered the surface of the grave. Lastly, earth had been thrown in. No 
doubt sufficient earth had originally been used to raise the surface of the grave at 
least up to the natural level of the ground, or possibly to build up a small mound 

FIG. 1. 

to indicate the spot. Time had, however, obliterated all traces of such, and the 
surface of the grave now actually lay a little beneath that of the adjacent ground. 
No implements, or personal belongings, were found either in or upon the grave ; but 
old residents told me that it was customary to lay the spears, spear-thrower, water- 
carrier, or other favourite articles, upon the completed grave. It was still apparent 
that a circular space, about 15 feet in diameter, had been cleared around the grave and 
swept clean. This space, I was informed, used to be inspected occasionally by the 
aborigines, for the purpose of detecting any tracks or footprints likely to have been 
left by a visiting foe or evil spirit (the so-called " devil-devil "). At the southern 
end, that is, the head end, a semi-circular shelter of branches, brushwood, and stones 
skirted the cleared space. Its construction was quite similar to the shelter often built 
at the head-end of camping places in other parts of Central Australia. 
: Mutilation of Body before Burial. With the exception of a fibula and a few 
metatarsal bones, which had been removed to the surface by burrowing rabbits, the 
skeleton of the old man at Bobmoony Well belonging to an individual over six feet 
high was quite intact and complete. It was not so with the Mundy Creek specimen. 
This skeleton plainly showed that the body of the old woman had been mutilated 
before it was finally buried. 

Although none of the continental Australian tribes are cannibals in the strict 
sense of the word, it has long been known that certain tribes, if not all, practise 

r 50 ] 



[No. 26. 

man-eating when opportunity is afforded. That is to say, no tribe goes out speci- 
allv to kill its own kind for the purpose of eating the slain, but if perchance the 
body of a fallen enemy can be secured the natives do not hesitate to make a meal 
off the same. During prolonged drought it may happen that an infant is purposely 
killed by its parents and an elder child fed with its flesh to keep the latter from 
starvation. By far the most common practice is, however, to select for eating 
particular parts from the body of a living captive, slain enemy, or friend who died 
from natural causes or otherwise. In this respect the kidney fat seems to be the 
most favoured ; it is removed by a dorsal incision from either dead or living. Several 
of these cases have lately come under my notice from the south central districts of 
Australia. When, moreover, a noted warrior or otherwise distinguished identity dies, 
privileged members of the tribe may during the mourning ceremonies cut certain 
parts from the corpse and eat them. By so doing they hope to acquire the special 
qualities of the deceased. 

Whether we have such a case before us in the Mundy Creek discover v, it is 
impossible to say. The body of the old woman had been literally bisected above 
the pelvis, aud the spinal column severed between the fourth and fifth lumbar 
vertebrae. The pelvis and the long bones of the legs had been unfleshed in a manner 
that reminds us of the customs of other primitive people. The bones of the pelvis 
and the lower limbs had been isolated with the exception of the fibulae and those of 
the feet. Whether the soft parts belonging to these detached bones, and the contents 
of the pelvis had been feasted upon during the obsequies is a matter of conjecture, 
but in view of what follows it is probable. Every one of the long bones of the legs 
(with the exception of the fibulae) had beeLi purposely broken and split open with an 
instrument before burial. There is little doubt that the object of this procedure was 
to procure the marrow from the medullary canal in order to eat it. The instrument 
used was one with a sharp cutting edge and must have been of fair weight to 
shatter the bones by impact. A tomahawk might well have been used to effect the 
purpose. Nowadays a grinding stone or "miri" is usually carried about by the 
natives in their kit, and this is used, among other things, to crush the bones of 
kangaroos and other game at meals. 

In Fig. 1 I have shown the component fragments of the shattered long bones 
replaced. A point of percussion is clearly visible on the right femur at a distance 
of about one 
quarter its 
length from 
the upper 
end. No 
belonging to 
the left femur 
were found. 
The inferior 
extremity of 
the left tibia 
and the 
sacrum were p IG > 

also missing. 

It is impossible to say whether any of the missing fragments or ostta had been 
purposely retained by the tribe to carry about with them as amulets. This is done 
by various Central Australian tribes living to-day. There is also, in this case, a 
possibility of subsequent removal by burrowing rabbits. 

[ 51 ] 

No. 26.] MAN. [1913. 

The upper half of the skeleton, from the fourth lumbar vertebra upwards, is 
practically complete. The only bones that were not found in correct position and 
that had been artificially broken with an instrument are those of the right fore arm. 
The radius was smashed at its ueck and tuberosity. The ulna was cut with a sharp 
instrument in the region of the nutritious foramen ; the distal segment could not be 

Fig. 2 figures the superior extremities of the left femur and right ulna, with 
clearly-defined cuts by a sharp instrument. None of the bones show any evidence 
of having been laid on the fire or hot ashes ; it is therefore surmised that the marrow 
was taken from the bones raw. 

The position and order in which the bones of the pelvis and lower extremities 
were found is deserving of notice. The tarsals and metatarsals, together with the 
phalanges, were in their correct places. Adjoining them lay the fibulae, also in 
normal position. Above these, however, existed a gap, corresponding to the space 
originally occupied by the thigh and hip-bones. Where, under ordinary circumstances, 
the pelvis would have been found, lay a heap of bones and bone fragments arranged 
not altogether without order. The ossa coxae had been placed one over the other, 
and surmounted a vertebra and the epiphyses of the broken long bones. The long 
splinters of the broken bones, however, projected outwards from the obturator 
foramina, into which they had been stuck by human agency. 

Summary. This discovery of ancient burial customs of a practically extinct 
tribe in South Central Australia is valuable ethnographically, since it teaches iis of 
a yet unrecorded method of interment from a locality that is (and is likely to 
remain) a terra incognita to the anthropologist. I could find no record in the dis- 
trict of " tree-burial," either concrete or traditional, and that agrees with my obser- 
vations in the Musgrave Ranges lying to the north-west of the Flinders Ranges. 
This method of disposal of the dead on platforms in trees or elsewhere is, or was, 
practised by most of the tribes in the north and the south of Australia. 

Further, we have the positive evidence of a most interesting mourning custom 
consisting in the mutilation of the dead body, and in the probable eating of certain 
parts of it during the attendant ceremonies of burial. The latter affords further proof 
that this tribe practised man-eating, as most of the Australian tribes have now been 
proved to do. It is doubtful, however, whether we should be justified in calling 
any of the continental Australian tribes cannibals. 

In conclusion I beg to here acknowledge the courteous and able assistance 
tendered me by Mr. W. A. Fergusson, of Moolooloo, in the location and exhumation 
of these scientifically so valuable specimens. 



Fig. 1. Grave of a male aboriginal, Bobmoony Well, east of Beltana. Note 
the small heap of short pieces of wood on the left of grave, and the flat slabs of 
rock on the right ; both materials covered the skeleton in distinct layers. Near to 
the heap of wood is the entrance to a rabbit burrow, in front of which lie a fibula 
and a few bones of a human foot, which were unearthed by the rabbit's, and led to 
the discovery of the grave. Note also the semi-circular shelter of- branches and 
slabs of rock surrounding the head-end of grave. 

Fig. 2. Grave of a female aboriginal, Mundy Creek, south-east of Lyndhurst. 
Note, as above, the flat slabs of rock that covered the skeleton, and semi-circular 
shelter at the head end ; also the derangement of the bones of the pelvis, from the 
foramina of which projects splinters of the long bones of the legs. In both cases 
head is facing the west. 

[ 52 ] 

1913.] MAN. % [Nos. 26-27. 


Fig. 1. The shattered long bones of the legs and fragments of an ulna and 
radius, all of which have been artificially broken to secure the marrow. A point of 
percussion is seen below the head of the right femur. The fragments and splinters 
were replaced into their respective positions after exhumation ; many were missing. 

Fig. 2. Superior extremities of left femur and right ulna, showing clearly- 
defined cuts by a sharp instrument. 

India. Hodson. 

Seasonal Marriages in India. /'// '/' C. Hodson. 

The announcement in the English press of the celebration on the 15th 
February, 1913, of the marriages of the Kadwa Kanbi caste touches a subject of 
considerable interest. The best account I know is given in the liaroda Census 
Report for 1911, pp. 173-4. The intervals in the case of the Kadwa Kanbis (a large 
cultivating caste also in Bombay) are nine, ten, or eleven years. There is a strong 
movement afloat to reduce it to five years, and thence gradually to one. The 
Bharvads, a small shepherd caste (Guzerat and Kathiawar), admit longer intervals 
twelve, fifteen, or twenty-four years. These intervals depend on astrological calcula- 
tions. To obviate difficulties, they practise substituted marriages in which the part 
of bridegroom is played by a bunch of flowers which is thrown away, leaving the 
girl free to marry by a simpler form. Sometimes an elderly relation is the nominal 
husband. It is also "one" of the reasons for "child marriage." Motala Brahmans 
(Baroda) celebrate marriages every four years on a fixed day. Ahirs and Rabaris have 
marriages once a year on a fixed day. Dhodias in Bombay (Census Report, 1911, 
p. 255) only marry on Thursdays. Gait in the Bengal Census Report for 1901, 
p. 254, remarks that " it is the fashion amongst Tirhutia Brahmans to meet for the 
" purpose at certain regular assemblies held for the purpose towards the end of the 
" lagan or marriage season. The largest of these gatherings is held at Sanrath and 
" extends over a week. Carpets are spread under the trees and the Brahmans assemble 
" gaily clad in crimson with flowing turbans. The occasion is one of unwonted 
" rowdiness. . . . When a marriage is decided on the ceremony is at once per- 
" formed." In a valuable note to p. 250 he refers to the favourite months for mar- 
riage both among Hindu, Hinduised and non-Aryan groups, and to the superstitions 
attaching to certain months. It is notable that the eldest son and daughter may not 
marry in Jaishta, nor may a couple marry in a month in which either was born, nor 
within twelve months of a death of a parent, nor in an even year of one's age. 

The Puvaththukudi Chettis marriages are, it is stated by Thurston (Vol. II, 
p. 93), for reasons of economy only, celebrated at intervals of many years. 

" Concerning this custom a member of the community writes to me as follows : 
" In our village marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. My own 
" marriage was celebrated in the year Nandana (1892-93). Then seventy or eighty 
" marriages took place. Since that time marriages have only taken place in the 
" present year (1906). . . . Another Chetti writes that this system of clubbing 
" marriages together is practised at the villages of Puvaththukudi and Mannagudi 
" (district, Tanjore), and that the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age 
" and upwards are celebrated." The talikettu ceremony is often performed for a 
number of girls at one and the same time " once in ten or twelve years " (Thurston, 
Vol. V, p. 319, quoting Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar for Travancore and Cochin Castes, 
Vol. II, p. 22). Regard has in these cases to be had to astrological details, as if the 
horoscopes of the tali tier and of any one of the girls did not agree that girl would 
have to be left out. The exact "value" of the tali tving ceremony is not quite 

[ 53 ] 

Nos. 27-29.] MAN. [1913. 

settled. The best view is that it is to give the girl a marriageable status. See 
introduction to Cochin Castes^ Vol. II, p. x\. 

Abbe Dubois thinks that the original reason why Hindus selected certain months 
as the most auspicious for marriages is that during these months all agricultural work 
is either finished or suspended. (Note to p. 214, Hindu Manners and Ceremonies.) 

An interesting case where the celebration of marriages depends on circumstances 
distinct from the will either of the parties or of their communities in general comes 
from Burma.* '* The Banyong Karens are reduced in numbers by extraordinary 
" marriage customs. Mr. Giles says there is no giving and taking in marriage as 
" with all other races in the world. It is only when a high official such as a 
u Taungsa visits Banyin that there are any marriages all. This personage orders a 
" couple to be married, and married they are. just as a man might be sworn of the 
" peace. The Taungsa Gonwara makes a point of going there once a year so as to 
" ensure at least one marriage in the twelvemonth. It appears that matters are 
" further complicated by the fact that the contracting parties must be relations, as 
" is the custom with the Sawngtung race. In a village of six houses, however, 
" where custom has decreed cross-marriages for many years, this requirement should 
" be very easily fulfilled. The men are said to be very averse to marriage, and 
" 'have frequently to be taken by force to the bride's house.'" T. C. H. 

New Ireland. Rivers. 

The Bow in New Ireland. By W. H. K. Rivers. flfl 

I am much indebted to Dr. Graebner for calling my attention to several 
errors in the second appendix to my article on '' The Disappearance of Useful Arts " 
in the Festschrift recently brought out in honour of Professor Westermarck.f In his 
Methode der Ethnologie, to which reference is made on p. 130 of my article, Dr. 
Graebner only mentions the statement of Behrens and cites it as an example of a 
principle that the mention by a traveller of a widely distributed object has less value 
as evidence than when the object is rare and exceptional. The example, therefore, 
remains appropriate even if, as I suppose, the statement of Behrens was correct. 

The evidence of Bougainville, which I quote against Dr. Graebner, is beside the 
mark, for this traveller only records the presence of the bow in the central part of 
New Ireland, where it is still used. His evidence has no bearing on the problem 
whether this weapon was formerly used at the southern end of the island. We have, 
therefore, only the evidence of two independent witnesses to the former presence of 
the bow and arrow at this end of New Ireland. 

Further, the word "Britain," which occurs on p. 129 in the fifth and eighth lines 
of Appendix B, should in each case be " Ireland," and, as Mr. Sidney Hartland has 
pointed out to me, the word " lances," by which I translate the Assageys oder 
fVurff-Pfeilen of Behrens, should not be used for weapons which are thrown. It is 
now customary to call such objects " javelins." W. H. R. RIVERS. 

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Reid Mo jr. 

Problems of Flint Fracture. By J. Reid Moir, F.G.S. flQ 

I regret to find myself unable to make any really serious reply to Mr. fcU 

Hazzledine Warren's criticisms of my work, as set forth in the March number of 

MAN. After twenty-four years as a "practical student" of flint fracture Mr. Warren 

still finds it necessary to rely upon fallacious theories to support his views on this 

subject and while he does this it is impossible to come to grips with him. 

* Gazetteer of Upper Surma, Vol. I., Pt. I., p. 547. 

t Festskrift tillagnad Edvard Westermarck, Helsingfors, 1!)12. 

[ 54 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 29. 

He states that " in a stream a rain of blows is steadily delivered in a constant 
" direction against other stones wedged in its bed." This is in the nature of things 
a theoretical and improbable statement, and one which proves nothing except, 
perhaps, that Mr. Warren falls an easy prey to a somewhat riotous imagination. 

Mr. Warren further states " that the nature of the blows (given in a stream) 
" differs essentially from those delivered within the confined space of a sack." 

This, again, is simply an assertion, and will remain so until Mr. Warren explains 
exactly what the difference is between the two types of blow. 

I do not think that anyone is likely to forget that the detritus bed below the 
sands and shells of the Red Crag sea is a marine deposit, but it is difficult to recollect 
any unassailable evidence having been brought forward to show that this deposit has 
been greatly agitated by "wave-action during storms." Perhaps Mr. Warren will be 
able to publish the facts upon which his remarks are based. 

Another vague statement is that " there are two factors of primary importance 
" in Nature Avhich no experiment can ever produce. 

"These are (1) the quantity of material acted upon ; (2) the time during which 
" the forces are operating." 

To elevate this assertion to a position of even temporary importance Mr. Warren 
must tell us exactly what sort of material he refers to, and give us a hint as to the 
mysterious force he invokes. 

The question of " time " we can leave, though as some assert time to be merely 
a concept, I recommend it to Mr. Warren's careful consideration. 

After having realised the strange atmosphere of assertion and uncertainty in 
which Mr. Warren so freely moves, his remarks that my work " has not always been 
41 characterised by sound mechanical principle or carefulness of statement," and that 
my " criteria [of human workmanship upon flints] are essentially unscientific," leave 
me cold and unmoved. 

It is a relief to find that Mr. Warren has conducted some experiments with 
flints, but I cannot, naturally, pass any detailed criticism upon the results of these 
until 1 have seen and handled the specimens from which he draws his conclusions, 
but after having examined an exhibit of his at University College last November 
I may, perhaps, be permitted to express very grave doubts as to the value of 
these conclusions. 

I would, however, be very glad to meet Mr. Warren before some body of 
unbiased scientific men, and with his flints and mine before us, to discuss this matter 
in all its details. 

I notice Mr. Warren states that " Mr. Moir says that he has used every kind 
" of flint in his experiments." Will he be so good as to name the publication in 
which these words occur ? 

Iii reference to the suggestion that " eoliths " which exhibit chipping showing 
" pressure characteristics " are generally associated with scratched surfaces, I would 
ask how it is that neolithic, surface, implements, which show extensively striated 
surfaces, do not also exhibit " eolithic chipping"? But possibly " eolithic " pressure 
was a totally different thing from the more modern variety. 

Mr. Warren states that my " letter-press experiments . . . have no bearing 
4S upon this problem." Yet I notice in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute 
(Vol. XXV, p. 345), which contains a paper by him on " The Origin of Eolithic 
" Flints . . .," the following paragraph appears : 

" Experiments. At this stage of the proceedings some experiments were con- 
ducted in order to show practically the effects of perpendicular pressure upon the 
edges of flints. Some of these were . . . slowly pressed against a pebble in a 
screiv-press made expressly for the purpose" 

[ 55 ] 

Nos. 29-30.] MAN. [1913. 

It will be interesting to know why experiment* with a " *crew-press " are 
looked npon with favour in this matter, while those with a " letter-press " are 
regarded with such scorn and contempt. 

Mr. Warren concludes his remarks by expressing the pious hope that " wider 
experience " on my part will bring me into line with himself and Mr. F. N. 
I la ward on the question of the natural chipping of flint. 

It is remotely possible that this may be the case, but if the acceptance of their 
views would lead me to emulate them in prostrating myself before some unknown, 
non-human forces, such as Mr. Warren pays homage to, and whose supposed 
movements Mr. Ha ward describes by the amusing title of " chip and slide." I really 
think that when this surrender on my part occurs 1 shall be well advised to hang 
my shield upon the wall and drop out of the ranks of prehistorians altogether. 


Africa, East. Beech. 

Suicide amongst the A-Kikuyu of East Africa, By Mervyn W. II. Qfl 

Beech, M.A. ull 

A few weeks ago some regulations were introduced into the reserve by the 
native elders with a view to putting a stop to the practice of beer drinking amongst 
young men. 

The local native council fined a young man, aged about twenty, the sum of 
Its. 15*. for infringement of these regulations. 

On the sentence being pronounced the young man forthwith slashed his thigh 
with a native sword, inflicting a deep wound, and the following morning hanged 
himself on a tree. 

By the time the police inspector had arrived on the scene the skin rope had 
snapped and the body was lying on the ground. There was no doubt but that the 
man had committed suicide, and the muddy prints of his feet were plainly discernible 
on the tree up which he had climbed. 

When the police inspector told the deceased man's brothers to bury the corpse, 
they said that if they did so they would die ; they, however, were willing to drag 
the body off into the bush by a rope so long as they did not touch it. 

The whole procedure of slashing himself and then committing suicide, also 
the frightened expression of the elders who reported the matter, pointed to the 
fact that the deceased thought that by doing what he did to himself he would 
thereby in some manner or other bring trouble on the elders who had fined him. I 
could, however, find no confirmation of this view ; indeed, when at last I went so 
far as to put a leading question to this effect a prompt denial was the only response. 
Nevertheless, I learned that anyone who has died a violent death, whether by spear 
or by hanging or in any such way, must on no account be buried in the earth. 
Those who buried him would slowly waste away to death, eaten up by sores, by the 
disease " kionji," or leprosy ; because the " nguro " or spirit of the dead man being 
angry would if he were buried have the power of inflicting this disease upon those 
who buried him. * 

Suicide among the A-Kikuyu is comparatively common, and as far as the follow- 
ing cases which have come to my notice are concerned, they would point to the 
fact that the A-Kikuyu commit suicide only for much the same reasons as civilised 

1. The "patriarch" Karanja wa Mariti tells me that on one occasion he had a 
sore hand. The pain extended to his shoulder and was so acute that had not his 
brother seized the weapon from him he would have killed himself. 

2. At Kikuyu a man after marrying a woman found that he was impotent. 

[ 56 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 30-31. 

Dreading ridicule lie attempted to murder his wife and committed suicide. The 
woman, however, recovered. 

3. Another man finding he had been robbed of Rs. 70 during the night hung 

4. A woman recently threw herself in front of the train and was killed. Her 
husband did not know why she did it, but as he said : " I was quite near, yet I could 
" not prevent the act as I did not know if she were doing it because she was angry 
" with me. For if she was doing it for that reason and I had touched her I should 
" certainly have died." 

5. The mother of one of my porters hanged herself after bearing an excruciating 
pain in her foot for two days. 

6. A woman hanged herself at Lamnru after a quarrel with her husband. 
In conclusion I will quote the words of Karanjja mentioned above : 

" It is very common for A-Kikuyu to kill themselves. Some do so because they 
are old and solitary and have no relations, others because they are poor. 

" It is more common for women to kill themselves than men many, many 
women have killed themselves. 

" None of the relatives or members of the clan may touch the corpse of a 
suicide. The unrelated elders of the kiama (council) are those who cut down the 
body of one who has hanged himself, and they are given a very fat sheep indeed 
for their trouble." MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A. 

India, North. Tiger. 

Proverbs of the Ouraons. By A. Tiger. Q4 

1. Among men the barber, among animals the monkey, among birds the Ul 
crow is very prudent. 

2. The blind 100 times ; the one-eyed man 1,000 times ; the squint-eyed 
man 10,000 times more cunning than an ordinary man. 

3. An orphan child is easily provoked. 

4. An illegitimate child is very clever. 

5. The very dog which I tamed bites me. 

6. We must not count the teeth of a presented horse. 

7. A fool gets wet when he is in the village. 

8. Thunder and lightning seldom brings rain. 

9. Day and night is the same for a blind man whether he sleeps or awakes. 

10. A distant drum is very pleasant. 

11. You have attained old age and you don't know what a goat is. 

12. Take care if you fall from the tree, you will see the wedding of your 

13. One egg and that also spoilt. 

14. You have not lost yet your milk teeth. 

15. A child which sucks the milk of its mother is a good one. 

16. A thief at mid-day. 

17. A thief knows thieves. 

18. A dog is very bold when it is in the house. 

19. No one accepts a truth, but a lie the whole world believes. 

20. If the reputation of a man is good then the whole world is good. 

21. A big man's share is big, a small man's small. 

22. He who comes last returns empty handed. 

23. A word spoken cannot be called back. 

24. A good beginning is half the work done. 

[ 57 ] 

NOB. 31-32.] MAN. [1913. 

25. Money is the father of men. 

26. Danger past, Ram (God) is forgotten. 

27. What early grows early rots. 

28. As is the father such is the son. 

29. To buy dear and to sell cheap. 

30. To get drowned in a dry river. 

31. A. joker must not be hanged. 

32. To wash a piece of charcoal with soap. 

33. He who works not must not eat. 

34. If you sit with clean hands you will get nothing. 

35. To lick the spittle. 

36. Not to dream properly. (To explain an accident that happened afterwards.) 

37. He who does not follow the advice of his elder will go to beg. 

38. Drop by drop a tank is filled. 

39. When stomach is full everything is dust. 

40. A daughter is but others' property. 

41. A hunter looks for a gun when a deer is before him. 

42. An idle fellow after falling into the pit does not want to come out. 

43. One pea was divided between seven brothers. 

44. Time once past never returns. 

45. A tiger was caught in the cobweb. 

46. Filter the water before you drink. A. TIGER. 

India : Assam. Shakespear. 

The Kuki-Lushei Clans. By Lt.-Colonel J. Shakespear, C.I.E., D.S.O. 
London : Macmillan & Co., 1912. 

This volume is divided into two parts. In Part I we have an account of the 
Lushei proper ; in Part II an account of tribes who have either been practically 
assimilated by Lusheis under the rule of Thangur chiefs or have been much influenced 
by their neighbours as well as of the so-called old and new Kukis and of the Lakhers, 
comparatively recent immigrants from the Chin Hills. Colonel Shakespear traces 
firmly and clearly the wars and troubles of these people and their migrations from 
an area between Tiddim and Falam in the Chin Hills. They fought, now for land, 
now for the hand of the local Helen, sometimes in resistance to the ever-increasing 
pressure of the stalwart Chins east of them, sometimes in organised warfare against 
the Thados. Their affinities are touched on in more than one place. In the Intro- 
duction he notes the similarities between the Lusheis and the matrilineal Garos, and 
approves the theory put forward by Sir Charles Lyall of the evident connection 
between the Mikirs and the Kuki Chin group. He recurs to this theme on page 8, 
where he remarks that the Kukis, Chins, and Lusheis, are all of the same race, with 
definite traces of a relationship with the Kabuis and Manipuris, and in the last 
chapter of Part II the linguistic evidence is briefly .summarised. With his hope that 
the affinities of the tribes described in this book with other tribes may be dealt with 
by some competent authority when the whole series has been published, we shall all 
find ourselves in complete agreement, but will any of us live to see the completion 
of the series ? And what of the North Bank tribes, what of the tribes north and 
north-east of Manipur ? They await their pious historians and they belong to the 
far-flung Tibeto-Burman peoples. The task is stupendous and yet should be under- 
taken. Whv not by Colonel Shakespear himself? 

[ 58 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 32. 

What strikes me is the extent to which Lushei and Naga customs are similar. 
Where they differ, and they differ in many very interesting details, \ve can with our 
authority attribute the differences in great extent to the deliberate policy of the pre- 
dominant Thangnr chiefs, who saw " that any restrictions on inter-marriage would 
" have interfered with that fusion of clans which was so necessary for the establish- 
" ment of their power." Thus disintegration was followed by a larger, though only 
partial integration. But other causes were at work to promote differential evolution. 
''The method of cultivation which they follow is very wasteful, and a large village 
" soon uses up all the land within reach, and then a move becomes imperative." 
" These constant moves have had a great share in moulding the Lushai character." 
''The peculiar vagabond strain in the blood of the Kuki-Lushei race" is in strong 
contrast to " the intense love of the Naga for his ancestral village site." The nature 
of the hills makes permanent cultivation almost an impossibility. The jhum system 
of cultivation, as was noted by Payne, is in the circumstances of these hills "the 
" most economical method because it produces the largest net return." In many ways 
the effect of the pressure of environment is exemplified in the customs. The chiefs 
send their sons out to found new villages as they attain maturity. Hence we have 
the youngest son as the heir general, the residuary legatee. The dispersion of the 
clans renders annual clan ceremonies impossible. 

Teknonymy is usual among the Lusheis. Despite Colonel Shakespear's vigorously 
expressed contempt for the mere theorist, I will venture on the opinion that it is 
connected with the idea that full social maturity is not attained till marriage has 
proved fruitful. Tattooing is practised by young men " as mementoes of love affairs 
" in happy bachelor days" (p. 12), and is, 1 think, related to the belief that 
" access to the abode of bliss hereafter is obtained by success in the courts of 
" Venus " (p. 60). The use of the comb in expressing social gradations quoted 
from McCnlloch is very interesting. Any tendencies to hypergamy of which 
there is some evidence were checked by the policy of the Thaugurs which of set 
purpose widened the jus connubii. The position of the blacksmith as a village official 
and the ideas attaching to the forge as a place tabu after certain sacrifices (p. 73) 
and as a place where a man who has killed a rhinoceros surely a rare event 
can rid himself of the evil consequences of his rash act (p. 103), are facts of more 
than momentary interest. The prevalence of the Zawlbuk, the Bachelors' Hall, a 
common institution in the Naga Hills (ride Hutton Webster on Primitive Secret 
Societies) with age classifications affecting the functions of the various classes is 
noteworthy as also is the substitution of the house of some rich villager for the 
Zawlbuk. There is a strong public feeling, we are told, that the whole village would 
suffer for such an innovation as putting windows in any but the authorised places. 

The nature of certain tabus and the mental attitude which brings them into being 
are very admirably adapted and summarised by Colonel Shakespear on page 70, where 
he defines thi-ang-lo as unlucky, and again on page 101 et seq., where he describes 
the various superstitions of a very superstitions race. " It is the unusnalness of the 
thing," he says, "which makes the Lushei think it thi-ang-lo.'' 1 Headhunting, we are 
told, was not indulged in ; the raids were not made to get heads. But later on we 
find that "The proud title of Thangchhuah, which carries with it much honour in 
" this world as well as the right to admission to Pielral the abode of bliss after 
" death, can only be obtained by killing a man and certain animals, and every 
" member of a raiding party in which a man is slain is entitled to say that he has 
" killed a man." If. then, raids were not made to get heads, if the primary object 
was to get captives and loot, if heads were taken as accidents or incidents or as 
proofs of valour, no sensible Lushei, if a chance came his way, would fail to 
remember the serious advantages to be secured in this world and in the next by 

[ 59 ] 

No. 32,] MAN. [1913. 

the possessor of a head. In no uncertain tones does Colonel Shakespear pronounce 
his verdict on an institution which some time ago came into some public notice, the 
institution of slavery so-called. He shows that the " boi " are generally Avell treated, 
have means of protecting themselves against ill-treatment, can acquire property, and 
that " the custom seems well suited to the people and provides for the maintenance 
" of the poor, old and destitute, and it would be extremely unwise to attempt to 
" alter it." Social reformers in a hurry please take careful note. 

Marriage customs are fully described. Cousin marriages are not looked on with 
favour by Lusheis because the transfer of a girl to an outside family increases the 
wealth of her family. In other parts of India cousin marriage seems to be favoured 
among other reasons sociological as well as physiological for the reason that it is 
less expensive than outside marriage. 

Cousin marriages are common among Routes, and since we know that cousin 
marriage is related to the dual organisation of society, as Dr. Rivers has shown, it 
is interesting to note that the Routes are divided into two exogarnous divisions, 
Lanu and Changon. The Kolhen also are divided into two main exogamous 
divisions, the Khullakpa's division, Chongthus and the Luplakpa's division, Jetes, 
associated each with five clans. At the great spring festival " the girls of each family 
" pull on the opposite side to the young men of their family," i.e., on the side into 
which they must marry, of which they are potential members. The Khullakpa's 
family has the choice from every family, a contrast with the Lushei, where marriage 
with first cousins is more frequent in the families of the chiefs than among the 
commoners. There are instances of tribes which practise what Dr. Goldenweiser 
calls " definite exogamy." The actual clans from which brides may be taken are 
fixed among the Chiru, the Chawte, the Ronte, and the Tarau. 

Are we interested in the " theory of magic " ? The Lusheis so far recognise 
the " Force of initiative in magical conflict," * as to believe that if you meet a 
species of python, and spit at it first, it will fall a prey to its assailants, They 
know something of the strange phenomena of spirit possession. There is the power 
called Zawl, a comparatively useful power which enables the Zawlnei to " elicit 
from Khuavang information regarding the particular sacrifice required to cure any 
sick person." Our pity goes out to the unfortunate persons who are possessed by 
or possess Khawring, a mysterious visitor which seems to come from the wild boar. 
There is an admirable collection of folk-tales in both parts of the volume, which are 
of profound interest to the folklorist. I have elsewheref given reasons for my 
conviction that the Lamgaug tale of the eclipse (p. 183) suffers from a confusion 
between the meanings of the Meithei word hidak which means (1) medicine, and 
(2) tobacco, and that the Anal tale of the pious man whose " virtue " aroused the 
envy of the sun and moon, has been contaminated by contact with Hinduism. 
What was the virtue which the sun and moon carried off? Obviously some material 
thing, probably, as I suggested, the magical bark as in the Purum and Kabui tales 
which had the power of healing all wounds and of restoring the dead to life. 

Here, as elsewhere in India, there are rites forming part of the marriage 
ceremonies, which are often, indeed commonly, described as survivals of marriage by 
capture. There are here cases, too, of captives taken to wife, captured because they 
were wanted as wives. But the view that marriage by capture cau ever have been 
as McLennan made it, a decisive, all-important factor in social organisation, has 
been challenged. It is held by M. Van Gennep| that these customs only indicate 

* Cf. Haliday, Folklore, XXI. (2), pp. 147 et. seq., esp. p. 168, quoting Virgil, " Vox quoque Moerini 
jam fugit ipsa ; lupi Moerim videre priores." 
t Folklore, XX (4), p. 417, et seq. 
% Rites de Passage, pp. 177-180. 

[ 60 1 

1913.] MAN. [No. 32- 

that the bride (and bridegroom) "quitte une certaine sock'tr sexuelle restrainte, tant 
" familiale que locale, pour etre agregee a une autre societe sexuelle restreinte tant 
" familiale que locale." Among the Lusheis, the rites called Loi and Inngaithlak 
(p. 83), and, among the V r aiphei (p. 163), the feast which the young man has to give 
to his dormitory fellows, seem to me to demand attention. Some interest attaches to 
this question because the matter has been raised both before the Burma Research 
Society* and in the Burma Census Report for 1911 (p. 147). In the first r;i>r 
the custom known in Burma as ge-bo and the accompanying custom of demanding 
money from the bridegroom paralleled, as M. Van Gennep has shown, by Savoy 
customs are cited as "survivals from the days when society in Burma was organised 
on matriarchal lines." In the second case the customs are thought " to date back 
"to a period when each tribe lived in a state of sexual promiscuity." 

Burma, of course, belongs to the adjacent anthropology of the Kuki-Lushei 
area, and what is a survival in Burma explained by curious astiological myths may 
be in healthy harmony with the social order of people like the Lusheis, who tolerate 
a good deal of sexual freedom before marriage. 

Space does not permit me to indulge in further notes from or in discussions of, 
this fascinating volume. Religion, with an otiose All-Father, a clan spirit Sakbua 
whose rites vary from clan to clan, so much so that by their rites to Sakhua can the 
various clans be best distinguished, beliefs in reincarnation, separable and dual souls, 
dual funeral obsequies, funeral rites which look Very much like survivals of tree burial, 
magical sacrifices to gain power over the spirits of men and animals killed on raids 
or in the chase, geuna customs, the erection of stone monuments for reasons and to the 
accompaniment of tabus which vividly recall those of the Naga tribes, tales of a 
dream, a bad dream, time when all the world was in darkness like the sad time 
when Xurnitkappa of Meithei legend shot the sun, tabus on running water, penal 
laws, elaborate marriage price systems, incipient hypergamy, folklore, language, all 
are here faithfully portrayed and skilfully ordered. There is one notable absentee 
from the list of subjects dealt with. Not a line, not a syllable about totemism. It 
is still a thorny subject. There are here definite, well-marked exogamic groups, 
recognising group tabus, admitting as a social fact the existence of an intimate 
relation between them and animals, but the group-names are nearly all eponyms or 
place-names. Even when they are place-names, they are indirectly eponyms, since 
the place-names were originally the names of chiefs. Of the name Lushei and its 
derivation there can be no certainty. Neither here nor in the Naga area do group 
tabus serve here as bases for group-names or nicknames. 

There seems to be no mention of any rain-compelling ceremonies, performed 
specially in times of drought. I know that such rites are practised by the Korns 
and Chirus, and believe that enquiries would elicit some very interesting information. 

Colonel Shakespear set out with the pious intention of avoiding all theories and 
deductions. He has permitted himself the dangerous delight of one invasion of the 
forbidden area. His speculation as to the origin of the Bachelors' Hall (p. 152) is 
most ingenious, and it may be commended to the consideration of the learned in 
matters of social structure. There is material here enough and to spare for many 
theories and interesting deductions. The narrative is closely packed with facts, but 
it never flags, and is rich in those personal touches which relieve effectually a work 
of this kind from all suspicion of dulness. As a contribution to the scientific study 
of anthropology, as presenting a clear account of the customs and beliefs of an 
important group of peoples, it will rank very high. Like all Colonel Shakespear's 
work, it is sincere and meticulously accurate, the result of long years of intimate 

* Vol. I., Pt. I., p. 26, "Matriarchal vestiges in Burma." 
I 61 ] 

Nos. 32-33.] MAN. [1913, 

knowledge and sympathetic study. It is tastefully embellished with handsome, care- 
fully chosen illustrations, and is in every way worthy of the high and well-deserved 
reputation of its author, whose soldierly courage and great administrative ability have 
won for him a distinguished place on the honour roll of the Wardens of the North 
Eastern Marches of India. T. C. HODSON. 

Mexico : Codex Colombino. Cooper Clark. 

The Story of Eight Deer in Codex Colombino. By J. Cooper Clark. 

This thoughtful and carefully worked-ont study is a good example of what 
might be accomplished for the elucidation of the ancient Mexican picture - writings. 
Apart from those of which Dr. E. Seler has published such masterly analyses, and 
Mrs. Zelia Nnttall's notes on The Lady Three Flint and on Eight Deer in Codex 
Zouche - Nuttall, little has been done in this direction. The Maya codices have 
received much more attention. Difficulty of access to the picture-writings has been 
a great drawback, as the original manuscripts are widely dispersed. Copies of Kings- 
borough are rare and costly, and the Due de Loubat's reproductions were given 
chiefly to libraries, and have been for some time out of print. Students are allowed 
to inspect the precious original manuscripts possessed by the Bodleian Library at 
Oxford, but few can afford the time and expense for prolonged work there. Fresh 
and accurate reproductions of the whole series are badly needed.* It was a happy 
thought to produce this valuable work as a contribution to the Eighteenth International 
Congress of Americanists held in London May, 1912. After thorough study, not only 
of Codex Colombino in the National Museum of Mexico, but of five other picture- 
codices (Bodleian No. 2,858, Selden No. 3,135, Vienna, Becker, and Zouche-Nuttall), 
Mr. Cooper Clark has been able to bring together many scenes and important events 
in the life of the warrior-chief named Eight Deer. Some of these are given in three 
or four of the codices, although the details vary. With admirable accuracy and 
artistic skill the author has copied a number of them, which are reproduced in ten 
coloured plates and some line drawings. A running commentary on the events and 
dates provides a coherent story. 

Eight Deer appears for the first time in three codices on the same date, 12 akatl 
1 malinalli. In the Mexican calendar a given date would come once only in the 
fifty-two-year cycle, and this date may be placed tentatively in the second cycle before 
the coming of the Spaniards, and would then correspond to A.D. 1439. The period 
covered by the pictures relating to Eight Deer in one or other of these codices, 
extends to the same date fifty-two years later, or A.D. 1491. In that year he met 
his death. The official Historic! elemental de Mexico, by Cordoba, in describing the 
Toltec rule from an early writer, states that it was customary for a chief to reign 
fifty-two years ; then he made way for a young successor. 

The principal facts recorded in an ancient Mexican biography may be worth 
noting. Eight Deer is seen conferring with Nine Ocomatli and Nine Xochitl seven- 
teen years after the year 12 akatl, when the author supposes that he was born. In 
4 kalli he is in a ball court with One Ollin, and also attacks a fortress. About this 
time the name or title of Ocelot Claw was bestowed on him. Several scenes of the 
year 4 akatl are given, such as offering to the Sacred Tree, burning incense in a 
tlaxtli or ball court, and conferring with his friend, Twelve Ollin. In 7 tecpatl he 
starts on a great military expedition which occupied nine years and resulted in the 
capture of twenty-six towns. This was followed by further conquests, and in 7 kalli 
the victorious hero received the yakax'mitl, the greenstone or turquoise nose-ornament. 
The ceremony of piercing the septum of his nose for this ornament is given in four 

* Except Codex Zouche-Nuttall, published for the Peabocly Museum of Harvard by B. Quaritch 

[ 62 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 33-34. 

codices. He then made a compact with Four Ocelotl and had a conference with 
twelve chiefs. A campaign followed, with the conquest of forty-seven places, and in 
9 akatl symbols of peace were exchanged with Six Ocelotl in a ball court. 

The kindling of the sacred fire comes next, probably at the commencement of a 
new year-cycle. Mr. Cooper Clark gives examples from three codices. In each Eight 
Deer twirls a ceremonial arrow in a hollow in a log of wood, which in two instances 
is held by another chief. Smoke rises from the hole. In 11 kalli he made a prisoner, 
Four Ehecatl, and in 12 tochtU took part in a gladiatorial fight with a weeping 
captive, tied, as was customary, to a large circular stone. In 13 akatl he married 
Thirteen Kouatl, and the birth of a sou is recorded in three codices. The Colombino 
and Zouche codices are incomplete, but the closing scenes in his life are shown in 
the Vienna and Bodleian. In 12 akatl he advances with bow and arrow, aiming at 
an eagle perched upon a tree in the middle of a lake, and then he is seen stretched 
on a sacrificial stone, whilst a priest plunges a knife into his breast. 

The question arises, to what part of the country did Eight Deer belong ? It 
might be answered by someone familiar with the geography of Mexico, for the rebus 
names of the many conquered places should make it possible to identify a series. 
Mr. Cooper Clark has observed that a sculptured monolith from Monte Alban, near 
Oaxaca, represents a war-chief with the glyph of a deer's head and the numeral 8 
(a dash = 5, and three dots), and he suggests that this may be the personage of the 
codices, and possibly a Zapotec king, perhaps Zaachila III. The temporary supremacy 
of the Aztecs when the Spaniards first knew them has obscured the importance of the 
neighbouring nations, and the memory of their civilisation died out as the country 
became almost depopulated after the conquest. But the region of the ancient Zapotec 
kingdom still contains Indian communities with a high degree of culture, and amongst 
them the intelligent tourist might find traditions of their former heroes. 

The ethnologist will notice in the plates the weapons used by Eight Deer, 
especially the ceremonial spears and the atlatl, or spear-thrower. In the picture 
from the Bodleian Codex, in Plate B, there are clumsy bows, which are wanting -in 
the companion picture from Codex Colombino. These may have been introduced into 
Central America by contact with the Spaniards during the voyages of Columbus. 
They are not seen in the more ancient paintings and sculptures. A. C. B. 

India, Southern : Omens and Superstitions. Thurston. 

Omens and Superstitions of Southern India. By Edgar Thurston, C.I.E. Q 1 
London : T. Fisher Unwin, 1912. 22 X 14 cm. Price 12*. 6rf. net. UT 

In this book Mr. Thurston has collected from his works on The Castes and 
Tribes of Southern India (1909), his Ethnographic Notes in Southern India 
(1906), and from other sources, a large mass of information on the popular beliefs 
and practices of the races of the Madras Presidency. He deals successively with 
omens, animal superstitions, the evil eye, snake worship, vows, votive and other 
offerings, charms, human sacrifice, magic and human life, magic and magicians, 
divination and fortune-telling, agricultural and rain-making ceremonies. Mr. Thurston's 
reputation, as a careful student of South Indian ethnography, will be enhanced by 
the present book, which contains in accessible form a fairly complete account of the 
beliefs of a very interesting people. Relieved, to a large extent, from the pressure of 
Brahmanism and Islam, which in Northern India have caused the disappearance of 
many interesting usages, they have been permitted to develop their religious system 
undisturbed by foreign control. The book being a catalogue of facts, without any 
attempt to discuss the material from a comparative point of view, does not readily 
lend itself to detailed criticism. He was probably well advised to confine himself 

[ 63 ] 

Nos, 34-36.] MAN. [1913. 

to the collection of material ; but it is perhaps to be regretted that he did not take 
the opportunity at least of comparing his evidence with that already collected from 
other parts of the peninsula. This task, one of great difficulty, must soon be under- 
taken if students are to be placed in a position to compare the Animism and 
Hinduism of the south with those prevailing in other parts of the Indian Empire. 
For such a study this book will prove to be of the highest importance, and its 
value is much increased by a good serious of illustrations. W. CROOKE. 

Africa, East. Beech. 

The Suk, their Language and Folklore. By Matt. H. Beech. With OC 
Introduction by Sir Charles Eliot. Clarendon Press. Price 12*. 6d. net. UU 

The book is the result of the investigations made during a period of a little over 
a year whilst the author was Acting District Commissioner of Baringo, East Africa, 
and Sir Charles Eliot describes it as " an important addition to our knowledge." It 
is arranged in the form of notes, and, no doubt, had the author had more time at his 
disposal and a further opportunity of consulting the people, he would have greatly 
enlarged and improved his book, but even as it is it cannot fail to be extremely 
valuable to other officials in the district, and it is quite a good model for students to 
work upon. 

Every physical type known in East Africa is to be found amongst the Suk, who 
call themselves the Pokwut (Suk being the Masai name for them), and at present the 
nation can be roughly divided into two sections, the pastoral and the agricultural. 
The old men are unanimous in declaring that there were always two original Snk 
tribes living on the Elgeyo escarpment, and that through the inter-marriage of these 
with fugitives and adventurers from neighbouring tribes the present Suk nation was 
evolved. There are now a number of totemic and exogamous clans, each having 
its totem, and a number of restrictions. It is generally believed that a man's 
spirit passes into a snake at death. 

. Socially, the Suk are roughly divided into boys, circumcised men, and old men. 
There are no chiefs, each village is a family, but the Government has appointed two 
headmen. Only married men possess houses (one for each wife). Bachelors sleep 
outside, and in the rains wrap themselves up in ox skins for the night. 

Chapter II. contains an interesting comparison of some Suk customs with those 
of their immediate neighbours, a given offence being often very differently punished. 
Chapter III. consists of folk tales and riddles, amongst which many old friends 
may be noticed. 

The remainder of the book is composed of a short grammar and a vocabulary, and 
certain resemblances are found to the Nandi. In fact, the author observes that, " But 
" for the presence of an element, the origin of which I have as yet been unable to 
" determine, but which may, of course, be the language of the two original tribes, the 
" Suk language might fairly be described as a dialect of Nandi." The most striking 
differences are that Suk has no definite article, and has borrowed the Turkana numerals. 

A. J. N. T. 


The International Historical Congress will be held in London on April Oft 
3rd-12th. Section I. will deal with Oriental Studies, Section VIII. with Art 00 
and Archaeology, and Section IX. with Ethnology. Those wishing to participate 
should communicate with the Secretary of the British Academy, Burlington House. 

In MAN, 1913, 24, p. 48, line 7, for investigations read investigators. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 



MAN, 1913. 




[No. 37. 

Peru : Archaeology. With Plate E. Joyce. 

Note on a Gold Beaker from Lambayeque, Peru. /,'// '/*. . I. Joyce, Q^ 
M.A. Of 

Plate E illustrates a fine beaker of beaten gold, discovered in an ancient grave 
called La Merced, near the village of Illinco, district Tucume, in the coastal province 
of Lambayeque, Peru. The height of the vessel is 4*8 inches, the diameter at the 
base is 2'3 inches, and increases regularly to 3 inches at a height of 3'6 inches 
from the bottom ; from this point there is a distinct " flare " to the rim, the diameter 
of which is 4-1 inches. The weight is 1,623 grains. Between the flaring lip, which 
is plain, and a line drawn rather less than an inch from the bottom, the space is 
entirely occupied with a design in relief, consisting of a rather conventionalized 
human figure thrice repeated. The details of this figure are shown in Fig. 1, which 
is from a rubbing. Here we have apparently a warrior with an ornamental crown, 
a vandyked tunic, and large ear-plugs, holding in his left hand a spear, rather similar 
in type to the rattle-staff, cktcattaztli, carried by the Mexican deity Xipe. In his 
right hand is a circular shield with 
toothed border, above which rises 
an object with a design somewhat 
resembling a conventional fish-face 
surmounted by a crown, and below, 
what might be the pole to which 
this " fish-standard " is attached. 
The hand of the figure shows foitr 
fingers, and each foot three toes. 

The technique of the beaker 
evidences considerable skill ; it is 
beaten out of a single sheet of 
metal, and there is no trace of a 
join anywhere. The outline is 
elegant and harmonious, and the 
lines of the design, in spite of its 
conventional nature, are bold and 

The Valley of Lambayeque is a 
locality of peculiar interest, since it 
is the scene of one of those immigrations by sea of Avhich so few traces have survived 
in Peruvian tradition. It is said that in the far past a number of men and women 
arrived on rafts, under a chief named Naymlap, the names (or titles) and functions 
of whose personal attendants are given in detail. With them they brought their 
god, a green stone idol called Llampallec. From the early history of these immi- 
grants it seems not impossible that their rulers belonged to the class of divine kin<:s 
Avho were killed as soon as their powers showed signs of waning, or if misfortune 
fell upon the tribe.* At the end of the reign of the eleventh successor of the 
immigrant chieftain a republic was established, which, in its turn, was overthrown 
by the powerful Chirnn ruler, whose seat of power was at Truxillo, not far to 
the south. The conqueror imposed upon the valley a line of tributary princfs. 
nine of whom had succeeded in order when the Spaniards arrived. Such remains 
as have at present come to light in this neighbourhood differ in no respect from 
those characteristic of the Truxillo culture, and this beaker is not an exception. 
* See my South America/I Archeology, p. 50. 
[ 65 ] 

FIG. 1. 

Nos. 37-38,] MAN. [1913, 

From the style of the design it would seem to belong, not to that magnificent 
period distinguished by the fine painted and moulded ware which, artistically speaking, 
is one of the glories of aboriginal America, nor to the later period characterised by 
the appearance on the coast of the inland art which flourished at Tiahuanaco in 
pre-Inca times, but to the period which immediately preceded the conquest of the 
coast by the Inca, a period of technical progress but artistic decadence. As to the 
individual represented in the ornament, whether he be god, noble, or warrior, it is 
impossible to say. The remaius from the coast in museums and private collections 
far outnumber those from the highlands, and from those remains we can gather many 
details concerning the appearance, dress, and weapons of the coast people. But for 
the most part their history, mythology, and social system are a sealed book to us. 

The beaker is the property of Mr. James Curie, to whom I owe cordial thanks 
for permission to publish it in MAX. T. A. JOYCE. 

Africa, East.. Werner. 

A Pokomo Funeral. By Miss A. Werner. QQ 

The following account of a Pokomo funeral is translated from some notes UU 
sent me (in German) by Herr Becker, of the Neukirchen Mission, Knlesa, Tana River. 
I have supplemented them with some information derived directly from natives, 
though this is much less than I could have wished. Unfortunately, I was not able 
to come in touch with Wapokomo at a distance from any of the mission stations, 
so have no independent confirmation or otherwise of the statement that the custom 
of preventing the earth from touching the body is entirely due to Christian influence. 
In view of the fact that most, if not all Bantu tribes (not counting those who, like 
the Gikuyu, have adopted Masai burial or non-burial customs) take some sort of 
precautions to insure this result, this statement does not strike one as probable. But 
the Pokomo, being placed in rather peculiar conditions (not to mention the strong 
probability that they are partly of Wasanye descent) seem in some respects to have 
departed from normal Bantu customs, and it would be rash to dogmatize ; though I 
could not help suspecting that much of the information supplied to me by members 
of this mission was unconsciously coloured by strong prepossessions. Herr Becker's 
account has been somewhat condemned in places. 

"Ceremonies on the death of a Pokomo belonging to the orders of Ngadzi 
(Wakijo) and Ganga (Muyangana\ at Munyuni. (The Mwina tribe, in whose 
district the village of Munyuni is situated, occupy a position midway between the 
tribes of the Upper and the Lower Tana, their dialect approximating more to that 
of the former, while they also share with them the custom of circumcision, and 
belong to the same Ngadzi society ; from Benderani downwards the ' lodge ' is that 
of the Lower Tana.) 

"When I arrived at Munyuni on November 29 (1912), I heard that a man, the 
father of one of our Christian youths, had been suddenly taken ill, so that he could 
neither walk, speak, nor hear. By Pokomo customs, in such cases, all friends and 
relatives of the patient come and seat themselves in, or in front of, his hut. 
Conversation goes on and no special emotion is shown; even when it is known for 
certain that death is approaching, no one sheds a tear. As soon, however, as the 
last breath is drawn, everyone, as if at a word of command, begins to shriek and 
wail in the most dreadful fashion. This is a universal Pokomo custom. On the 
present occasion, when the wailing had lasted 20 minutes or half an hour, prepara- 
tions were made for burial. One man bought a cloth, in which the corpse was to 
be wrapped, others began to dig the grave, and others made ready two boards, from 
a worn-out canoe, one being laid in the bottom of the grave, which is made so 
narrow as only ju^t to admit the corpse. Above the level of the corpse, the sides 

[ 66 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 38. 

of the grave are cut away, so as to leave a ledge on which the second and broader 
plank is to rest, so that the corpse is quite covered and the earth does not touch it. 
This practice, however, is of recent origin and has been adopted from the Christians. 
Another man sharpens a knife, with which the dead man's whole body is shaved, the 
hair being put into a quite new earthen bowl, half filled with water. The bowl con- 
taining the hair and water was placed at the head of the grave ; the corpse was then 
wrapped in the new cloth and two Wagangana (sorcerers) came into the hut with 
a drum (Ngoma), which they beat, but in a fashion different from that followed 
on other occasions. It was a deep, eerie sound that was produced, reminding one of 
a funeral march ; the women sang and wailed at the same time. After the drum 
had been beaten inside the hut fcr about ten minutes, they came out and stood 
behind the hut, turning one end of the drum towards the spot where the dead man 
lay. While they went on drumming in this position, two other men came and made 
an opening in the back of the hut. (The corpse of a man must not be carried out 
at the door, though this is done in the case of women and boys.) The body was 
now brought out, wrapped in the new cloth, a fine ostrich feather, the badge of a 
mukijo (elder), projecting from the cloth at the head end. 

" The corpse was now placed in a canoe exactly in the middle. (This does not 
necessarily imply that the grave was at a great distance. The Pokomo transport any 
loads, even for short distances, by canoe, though if not loaded they usually prefer to 
cross the numerous bends of the river on foot.) The women followed, still singing and 
wailing, and got into the canoe, half of them sitting on each side facing the corpse. 
A second large canoe (waho) was placed alongside the first, and in this the men 
embarked carrying the drum. Two poles were now laid across both canoes, and a 
man sat on each, his weight keeping the poles firm so that the canoes remained side 
by side without being lashed together, as is done in the so-called Sangale (two canoes 
placed parallel with a platform lashed between and across them ; used sometimes for 
the transport of European invalids, and in all cases where a wider craft is required 
than the usual dug-out). The paddling was done by one man in the stern of each 
canoe. . . . As soon as the funeral party had left all was quiet in the village, 
but directly they returned there was another outburst of wailing, which continued 
all night in the house of the deceased, but stopped by day, to begin again at ten p.m. 
on the following night. At seven a.m. on the day after the funeral all the dead 
man's friends and relatives had their heads shaved. Large quantities of honey wine 
are always consumed on this occasion. When any relative arrived from a distance 
the death wail was raised again by all present. The widows are expected to remain 
in seclusion and only speak in whispers till the great nyambura (funeral feast) has taken 
place. . . . The customs followed on the Lower Tana differ in some respects, 
but the main points are the same as those detailed above." 

One of the native Christians at Ngao informed me quite independently of the 
above ; in fact, some weeks previous to the funeral described by Herr Becker that 
" long ago " (kae} they made the grave much shallower than they now do, and laid 
no plank over the body, but, he added, they used to heat sand (mbika = " to cook," 
was the word he used) in an earthen pot and pour it over the grave (after it was filled 
in). If this was not done they believed that the deceased would " cause them to 
dream." This man was somewhat shocked Avhen told of the Gikuyu and Masai custom 
of throwing out the dead, of which, evidently, he had never heard. 

Another native Christian wrote out for me an account of some funeral ceremonies, 
which is headed, " Miiko ya Kufwa," i.e., " prohibitions connected with death." After 
mentioning the shaving and putting the hair into a bowl of water, he adds that the 
corpse is anointed with oil, and, in the case of a mukijo or a mugangana, marked on 
the forehead and breast in white, black, and red, the pigments employed being ashes, 

[ 67 ] 

Nos. 38-40.] MAN. [1913. 

soot, and znzi (red ochre). According to this account the widow is not allowed to 
leave her house for six months after the death. Though not explicitly so stated, 
this seems to be the time when the funeral feast (called by this writer nyambnrn) 
is held. I translate his account of the latter. 

"Then, if his (i.e., the dead man's) son or his brother gets money, he buys much 
honey and puts all things ready ; then he fetches all his brothers and sisters, and they 
assemble together a second time and wail. Then they take rice and begin to grind it, 
and then they call the wakijo, and when everything is prepared for the ngadzi they 
assemble again, many people, and brew much honey wine (mochi). The nyambura 
is beaten and the ngadzi sounded, and many people and youths (orani or worani) dance 
for two days, and then they all drink mochi and get very drunk during three days, 
and then all the men and women go home ; so the nyambura is ended, and the 
ngadzi is returned to its (hiding place) in the bush (badani)." 

I have not yet been able to ascertain what particular kind of drum is called 
nyambura. The ngadzi, from which the order takes its name, is a friction-drum. A 
specimen of this has been presented to the British Museum by Mr. Hollis. 


Archaeology : Prehistoric. Grist. 

What is a Natural Eolith? By C. J. Grist, M.A. QQ 

Mr. Hazzledine Warren, in "Problems of Flint Fracture " (MAX, 1913,20), UU 
makes reference to the production of natural eoliths by stream action. It so happens 
the increasing demand for ferro-concrete makes it now possible, in some gravel-pits, 
to examine with ease stream-fractured flints by the million, all washed clean and 
graded to size. A search among these products of Nature leaves the impression 
that either streams do not make eoliths, or Mr. Warren has not made clear what he 
wishes to be understood by his word eolith. 

As he reminds us, he has been a practical student of. flint fracture since 1889 
and has given much thought and experiment to the eolithic problem, may I venture 
to suggest that he should explain how he distinguishes his natural eolith from a 
primitive human implement on the one hand, and on the other from a mere shapeless 
fractured flint. 

With Mr. Warren's experience of over twenty years in applying experimental 
results to natural conditions, and from the careful and mature consideration which he 
tells us such work requires, a lucid statement from him on these points should do 
much to remove difficulties difficulties of the pressure-made as well as of the stream- 
made eolith. Tt should, for example, make clear why his own experimentally fractured 
Hints were called eoliths which were exhibited on the lantern screen by Professor 
Boyd Dawkins at the lecture " The arrival of Man in Britain in the Pleistocene 
Age." Lack of information tended to render that exhibit as useless as a show of 
broken tea-cups. C. J. GRIST. 

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Bell. 

Subcrag Flints. By Alfred Bell. JO 

Will Mr. Warren kindly point out any stream in a " flint " country where T U 
such a " rain of blows " is to be seen " steadily delivered against other stones wedged 
" in its bed ?" (Such a violent action would be more likely to tear the bed of the 
stream up.) Very little has been done in ascertaining the constituents of the 
" subcrag stone bed " or tracing out the provenance of the varied mixture that goes 
to its making. As to whether it is entirely a marine deposit is quite a matter of 
opinion. After fifty years of crag work, I take the line that much of it was accumu- 
lated long before the crag waters came into our area, on an open land surface of 
London Clay, including the bulk of phosphatic nodules or coprolites, plutonic and 

[ 68 ] 

1513,] MAX [Nos. 40-41. 

Jurassic rocks and fossils, mammalian teeth and bones and the rich flora exhibited 
in the well-preserved wood. 

If Mr. Warren had, as I have had, the opportunity of seeing and handling a 
large number of Mr. Moir's finds, and seen them exhumed as I have done, he would, 
I imagine, never have written in such a supercilious fashion of a worker quite as careful 
and painstaking to get at the truth as he is himself. Be this as it may, can he 
find any of ^Nature's chipping so consistent in application as to produce a constant 
repetition of one design, the rostro-carinates, for instance, at any other than subcrag 
times, or are Ave to suppose that, having flaked one side of the flint, it turned it 
over in order to repeat the process, and then forsaken the subcrag type of worked 
flint for some other pattern ? ALFRED BELL. 

China: Hong- Kong-. Jones. 

A Chinese Phallic Stone. By Staff-Surgeon Kenneth H. Jones, M.B., 1 4 

F.Z.S., R.N. l ll 

Looking down on one of the most popular walks of the people of Hong Kong 
from the western slopes above the notorious Wong nai Cheong, or Happy Valley, 
stands a huge mass of weathered granite with a nearly vertical face almost a hundred 
feet in height. 

The face of the cliff looks to the north, and behind the mass of granite is 
gradually absorbed into the shoulder of the hill, from which it stands out as an 
enormous buttress. 

Perched on the top of this gigantic buttress is a great quadrangular granite 
boulder some 20 feet high in an almost vertical position and having sides at the 
base between 5 and 6 feet in length. The upper part of the boulder or column is, 
from erosion, somewhat less laterally than the lower but continuous with the latter, 
the whole forming one piece of stone. 

The whole structure, the huge buttress and the column borne upon it, is the 
result of erosion on the softer parts of the granite and has left the harder in this 
most curious position. 

This peculiarly-shaped boulder the Chinese call Yah yuen saak, or Huh-po- 
sick ; the names are spelt phonetically. These names both mean the Harlot's or 
the Bad Woman's Stone. 

The better class Chinese are very reticent about this stone and the properties 
which are supposed to belong to it. 

On ascending to the column itself by a long steep flight of stone steps let into 
the side of the hill and through a thick wood of young fir trees, it is found that a 
well-built palm leaf hut is placed against the base, in which lives an old Chinese 
who keeps several savage dogs and who makes a living by selling joss sticks and 
red paper to the suppliants who come to the shrine, if such it can be called. 

A small altar of the meanest description, plastered with " lucky " red papers 
and bearing a few smouldering joss sticks, is the only thing about the place which 
suggests any sort of ritual, and the Chinese are all agreed that nothing sacerdotal 
appertains to the old man who sells the joss sticks. There is no doubt that this 
stone is visited at all times of the year by large numbers of Chinese females, and 
that in spite of the assertion that only harlots apply to it for success in their trade, 
plenty of respectable married women resort to it in the hope of becoming pregnant. 

I doubt very much any indecent rites occurring at this place, because for one 
thing the Chinese women are exceedingly modest, and for another they are excessively 
conventional, and therefore it is highly probable that the burning of joss sticks and 
the " Kow tow " are all that happen here. I know of several other stones which 
are not unlike this in position and in their suggestive shape, but none of them are 

[ 69 ] 

Nos. 41-42.] 



used in a similar manner. It is quite possible that this particular stone may carry 
its supposed powers from pre-Chinese times that is to say, from before the second 
or third century before our era. 

There is excellent European authority for believing that at a place named 
Chek Wan (Stone Valley), on the way to Canton, and some 40 miles from Hong 
Kong, there is another famous phallic stone. At Chek Wan there is a very fine 
temple, and possibly the stone is inside it, but this is uncertain. 

In any case it appears that on a certain day, or on a few days, at the end of 
April in each year, large numbers of prostitutes from Hong Kong and Canton resort 
to this phallic stone and rub their breasts upon it with a view to prosperity in 
their business. 

Great license obtains at Chek Wan at such times, as might be expected. 
There is little doubt that respectable Chinese women also visit this stone at other 
times of the year. 

It is of interest to observe that these stones, which no doubt originally were 
associated with the idea of fecundity, have, like so many other things Chinese, 
become degraded to their present status in the popular imagination by the wretched 
conventionality which ruins so many Celestial ideals and causes them to lose their 
earlier simpler meanings. KENNETH H. JONES. 

Africa, East : Linguistics. Beech. 

Endo Vocabulary. By Mervyn W. H. Beech, M.A. 1A 

When in the Baringo district a few years ago I commenced a small com- 
parative vocabulary of the dialects of the hill tribes neighbouring the Suk. 

Unfortunately, I was unable to do little more than begin the work, but the 
following words collected by me from the Endo Chief Loseron may be of interest. 

The Endo, who are a link between Suk and Nandi, are an agricultural tribe 
residing on the slopes of the Elgeyo Escarpment, and are briefly described on page 3 
of my book on the Suk Language and Folklore. 

The scheme of spelling is the same adopted in my work on the Suk referred 
to above. 






6- - - - 



Erwo s - 





1 - 


Id. - 


2 - 

Orin, oden 

Oglrieng - 

3 - 

Somok - 

Id. - 

4 - 


Id. - 

5 - 


Id. - 

6 - 


M ut-ngo-okongo 

7 - 
8 - 
9 - 
10 - 
11 - 

Ti-op - 
Sakor - 
Taman ... 

Id. - 
Id. - 

The most noteworthy difference 
, tween the two dialects is that 
' Suk system of numeration is 
more primitive. 


12 - 

Taman ngo-'den - 

T;iman-ngo-oghiefig - 

13 - 

T;imau-ng6 - somok 

Id. - 

14 - 

Taman-ng6-mut - 

Id. - 

15 - 

Taman-ngo-lo 9 



20 - 

Tiptem - 

Id. - 





Woman - 

Kukun --. 


Child - 

Mondo - - - 

Mumvfig - - - 

Of. Suk, "my child," monde-nyan. 

Probably mondo = " my child." 

I 70 



[No. 42. 





Father - 

Baba ... 


Mother - 

lyu ... 


Brother (my) - 


Id. = " my brother." 

Sister (my) - 


Id. = " my sister." 



Milnung - 

Suk, maso-won = herdsman. This work 




is generally done by children. 

Friend - 

Thelia 5 - 


Enemy - 

Tham - 


Chief - 

Kiruwokin - 






Werkoi-yon - 


Head - 



Donkey - 


Sigir-io s - 

Nyetome is said also to be a Turkana 

word for " elephant." 


Asulsul - 



Kong ... 





Mouth - 



Tooth - 

Kelat - 


Tongue - 




Ylt - - - 





Body - 




Hegh - 


Hand - 

Hegh - - - 





Foot (sole of) - 

Tapesa - 



Poh - - - 

Leiy-o s . 


Korot - 



Undo* - 


Heart - 




Nuak - - - 


Nuak is Suk for spleen. Probably I 

have made an error here. 


K6wo s - 


Blood - 

Koroti - 






Tenga - 


Club - 

Kisambara - 



Kuang - 


Arrow - 

Supit - - - 

Kotat - - - 

Supit in Suk is the \vooden head of an 


Shield - 

Kap-takTyu - 


House - 





Cf. 1-kadich (hjemusi). 


Pande - 

Om-isio 5 - 

Cf. Suk, " meat," pendo, panye, piny. 

Beast - 

Tiony - 



Tarit - 



Korowo 5 



Ma s , mat 


Water - 




Lalua --- 





Earth - 



Cf. Suk, pures = dung. 


Kokwa - 

Kutung - 

Kdkwa in Suk = assemblage. It is 

literally a kind of tree under which 

assemblies are held. Cf. the Kikuya 

custom, where " Hngumu," a fig-tree, 

comes to mean " place of sacred 



Kogh - 


Tree . - 



Forest - 

Kerti - 



Him - 

Tcrorut - 

Cf. Suk, " yim " = " above." 


Ngolai - - - 



Arawa* - - - 





Clouds - 


Pult-oi - 

Kapuret in Suk = mist. 

Wind - 



Nos. 42-43 ] 












Kerial - 

The Suk separate divinities of rain and 

thunder, become here merged in one. 


Asis - 


Night - 

Katorit - - - 


Shadow - 



Breath - 





Mughulo ... 

i.e., " heart " or " seat of life." 

Spirit - 

Oinyet - 


It is this part of a man which passes into 

a snake at death. 



Id - 

Or " sky.'' 

I ... 

Ani - 



Nyi - 


He, she, it 







Akwa - 



Chane - 


Who, which - 




Nyi - - - 


That - 

Nyi no - 





Small - 




Cha-chang - 






Lopai ... 



Kogh - 


Short - 

Nuak - 



Religion. Wright. 

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild ("Man," 1913, 15). By T. F. 


With reference to the extract from the Gentleman' 1 s Magazine, 1779, as to a 
Shrove Tuesday observance in Kent "Holly Boy" and "Ivy Girl," I find in the 
Cambridge History of English Literature, Vol. II, p. 379, the following: 

" Charming also are the songs of ivy and holly which were sung in connection 
with some little ceremony of the season. In all the songs ivy and holly appear as 
rivals, and. whatever the ceremony may have been, it certainly was a survival of 
those festival games in connection with the worship of the spirit of fertility, in 
which lads invariably championed the cause of holly, and lasses that of ivy. 
(Cf. Chambers, The Mediceval Stage, I, 251, and Chapter III ; Ellis and Brand, 
Popular Antiquities, I, 68, 519 if.) We can fancy young men entering the hall 
with branches of holly (Cf. Bodleian MS. Eng. Poet, E 1, f. 53b Percy Society, 
LXXIII, 84). 

" Here commys holly, that is so gent, 
To pleasse all men is his eutent," etc. 

singing the praises of the shrub, and warning their hearers not to speak lightly of 
it (ibid., ff. 30a, 53b Percy Society, LXXIII, 44 ; 84), while young women enter 
from an opposite direction and go through a similar performance wifh the ivy. 
Thereupon both young men and young women enter upon some kind of a dance, 
which resolves itself into a contest in which the boys drive the girls from the hall. 

" Holy with his mery men they can daunce in hall, 
Ivy and her ientyl women can not daunce at all, 
But lyke a meyny of bullokes in a waterfall, 
Or on a whot somer's day when they be mad all. 

[ 72 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 43-44. 

Nay, nay, ive, it may not be iwis ; 

For holy must liaue the mastry, as the raaner is. 

Holy and his mery men sytt in cheyres of gold ; 

Ivy and her ientyll women sytt withowt in ffold, 

With a pay re of kybid helis cawght with cold. 

So wold I that every man had, that with yvy will hold. 

Xay, nay, ive, it may not be iwis ; 

For holy must haue the mastry, as the maner is. 
(MS. Balliol, 354, f. 229 b-Anglia, XXVI, 279.) 

" This debat of holly and ivy, like other songs of winter and summer, looks back 
to that communal period when dialogue was just beginning to emerge from the 
tribal chorus." 

Mr. Andrew Lang made some remarks on this in his page of the Illustrated 
London News, 1908, which put me on the track, but I think his remarks contained 
nothing more than a reference to the above. I feel sure I preserved Mr. Lang's 
note, but I am away from my papers and fear I cannot refer. T. F. WRIGHT. 

Africa, East. Barrett. 

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. H. Barrett. J 1 


One day a party of warriors went forth to attack an enemy, when one of them, 
by name Kamau, fell down in a fit. His companions, thinking he must shortly die, 
left him lying insensible by the roadside and continued their journey. Towards the 
cool of the evening Kamau recovered consciousness, and raising his head looked about 
him and saw that he had been deserted. He was too weak to stand, but with a great 
effort raised himself on his hands and knees and started crawling in the direction of 
liis village. After proceeding for a short distance he suddenly came upon, the carcase 
of an elephant which had b6en partly eaten by hyaenas. Getting together a few 
sticks he lit a fire, and cutting off a portion of the elephant's head he cooked and ate 
it. When he had satisfied his hunger he recovered his strength and was able to 
stand up. Just as he was leaving to continue his journey homewards he heard a 
flapping of wings and saw a huge vulture swooping down towards him. Terrified at 
its appearance he ran and hid himself inside the dead elephant. The huge bird 
alighted on the carcase and, eating a little, seized the remainder of the carcase in its 
talons and flew off. After some time the bird alighted on a tree, and Kamau, who 
looked out from his hiding place, found himself on an immense tree growing in the 
centre of a large lake, and the tree was so large that its boughs stretched over the water 
for many miles. Presently he heard a voice calling him by name, and, looking down, 
he saw a water spirit swimming round below him. The spirit then asked him who 
he was and where he had come from. Kamau told him the whole story of his adven- 
tures from the time he had left his village. After he had finished the spirit said to 
him, " I am sorry for you and would like to help you, as I was once a man like you 
*' are ; perhaps if you walk along one of the boughs of the tree you will find that it 
" stretches to some land, and so you will be able to drop down and go home." Kamaii 
thanked him for his advice and started to walk along one of the boughs, but after 
walking for many hours he came to the end of it and saw only water beneath him. 
He returned very downhearted and told the spirit that he had done as he had directed 
but found only water beneath him. The spirit thought for a few minutes and then 
said : "I only told you to walk along the bough to test your courage. I now see 
" that you are brave, and will tell you the only way to escape from your prc-rn: 
" plight. When the vulture sleeps to-night creep up behind it and seize hold of 

[ 73 ] 

No. 44.] MAN. [1913. 

" one of its tail feathers, and do not let go until you reach land." Once more 
Kamau thanked the spirit, which then disappeared under the water. That night 
Kamau crept up to the vulture while it slept, and caught hold of one of its tail 
feathers. (He did not sleep at all for fear he might let the feather go.) Early the 
next morning the vulture woke up, and having stretched itself, spread out its wings 
and flew off, with Kamau still holding on to its tail. After flying rapidly for some 
time the vulture alighted not far from Kamau's village, and no sooner had it reached 
the ground than it flew up again, leaving Kamau behind with one of its tail feathers 
still in his hand. Kamau was delighted at finding himself near his home again, and 
at once set off towards his village, taking the feather with him, hiding it in his 
hut, and telling no one of his adventure. 

A few days after his return Njeroge, a warrior from a neighbouring village 
climbed up into a large hollow tree to search for honey. When he reached the top 
he lost his balance and fell into the hollow trunk, alighting on the back of a large 
python, which was asleep at the bottom of the cavity The python was at first 
very angry at being awakened so abruptly by a stranger, but on Njerogeh explaining 
that he had fallen into the tree by accident the python was pacified, and said, 
" If you had come here intentionally I should kill you, but as you came accidentally 
" I will help you to get out ; catch hold of my tail and I will drag you to the 
" top of the tree." Njerogeh did as he was told and the python climbed slowly up 
the trunk of the tree, until it dragged him to the place from where he fell. Njerogeh 
thanked the python for its kindness, and, climbing down to the ground, ran home. 

The next day he prepared a feast, and, calling all the warriors from the sur- 
rounding villages, told them that a great adventure had befallen him, and that the 
man who had passed through one greater than his should eat at the feast with him. 
All told their adventures, but at each one Njerogeh laughed and said, " That is 
" nothing." Kamau happened to be passing at that time, and Njerogeh called out 
to him to come and relate any dangers he had been through, as he might be able 
to eat the feast with him. Kamau related his adventure with the vulture, but it 
was so marvellous that none would believe him. until he went to his hut and pro- 
duced the feather. Njerogeh then told of his meeting with the python, but all those 
assembled agreed that Kamau's adventure was greater than his ; so the two of them 
sat down and ate the excellent feast that Njerogeh had prepared, and for ever 
afterwards they were looked upon as the greatest heroes of their tribe. 


In a fight near the plains between some Masai and A'Kikuyu Avarriors all the 
latter were killed except one man, who fled in the direction of his own country. On 
the way he met an Irimo (an evil spirit), who asked him where he was going. The 
warrior related to him the story of the defeat of his party by the Masai, and informed 
him that he was on his way home. The Irimo said he would accompany him part 
of the journey, and they travelled together for some distance. On the way they met 
a large number of Irimo, who being very hungry were delighted to see the warrior, as 
they intended to eat him. Leaving some of their number to guard him, the rest 
hopped about and collected sticks for a fire. While the fire was being made the 
warrior said, " I am tired of life as all my companions have been killed, so am quite 
" willing to die. Before you kill me, however, I should like to teach you the dance 
" of my people." The Irimo were very pleased, as they were fond of learning new 
dances, and agreed that he should dance to them. In order that he should not 
escape, however, they placed a belt of leather round his waist, and to this tied a hide 
rope many miles long. The warrior started dancing vigorously and gradually placed 
a distance between himself and the Irimo. These latter every now and then gave a 

[ 74 ] 

1913,] MAK. [No. 44. 

pull at the rope to see that he had not loosened himself. Seeing the log of a tree 
lying near a wood the warrior ran to it, slipped off the leather belt, and tied it on to 
the log ; he then ran as hard as he could in the direction of his village. The Irimo not 
seeing him pulled at the rope, and finding a weight at the end of it thought he had 
got tired and gone to sleep. So when they had made a sufficiently large fire they 
all raced to the place where they thought the warrior was lying. To their rage they 
found only a log. All of them followed the footprints of the warrior for many miles, 
but eventually gave up the pursuit as useless and returned to their homes very 
hungry and very angry, as their dinner had escaped them. 


In a certain A'Kikuyu village there lived a boy about six years old and an 
immense bull named Nyangeh ; both had been born on the same day and they were 
great friends. When the boy went to herd his father's cattle he would ride on the back 
of Nyangeh and talk to him the whole time. Towards evening the boy would say to 
the bull, ' Nyangeh, come let us take back the cattle ; night draws nigh and an enemy 
*' may come upon us unawares." The two friends would then drive the herd home. 

One day a Masai warrior who was passing by caught sight of a fine herd of 
cattle, guarded only by a small boy, who rode on the back of a bull. Hastening 
back to his home, he told his friends, and arranged with them to go and capture 
this herd. Fifty warriors set out fully armed, and after travelling a long distance 
saw everything as their informant had said. They rushed forward to seize the 
cattle, but the small A'Kikuyu boy ordered Nyangeh to kill them. The huge beast 
pierced some with his horns and others he trampled under foot until all were killed 
except one. This man being fleet of foot escaped, and running to his village told 
what had befallen his companions. Everyone thought he was lying, and another 
war party, 100 strong, was despatched by the Masai chief. 

This party was annihilated in the same way as the first had been ; only one 
warrior escaping. This man fled and returned to his home. He told his story to 
his chief, who, thinking there must be some truth this time in what was reported to 
him, sent 500 warriors to capture the cattle and avenge the defeat of their friends. 

Seeing this large party of Masai approaching, the boy, who had eaten nothing 
that day and was faint from hunger, jumped off the back of Nyangeh and ran 
towards his mother's hut. On the way he passed several villages, and at each he 
asked for food, saying that he intended when he had eaten to follow up the Masai 
raiders and get his father's cattle back from them. However, no one would give 
him anything, and all laughed at him, saying he must be mad to think of following 
up the Masai, who by this time must be well on their way towards their own 
country. The boy, on reaching his mother's hut, ate some food and some he placed 
in a bag and tied on his shoulders ; he then said good-bye to his mother and 
followed on the tracks the stolen cattle had made. After many days he came to 
a hill which looked down on to a large plain. Not far from the foot of the hill 
he saw a Masai village with a big herd of cattle grazing near it. Among this herd 
he recognised his father's cattle and Nyangeh among them. In the evening he 
watched the Masai drive all the cattle into their village and place them in enclo- 
sures made of thorn bushes. That night the boy went close up to the village 
and sang : 

" Nyangeh, Nyangeh, I am the boy who was born on the same day as you were 


You helped me twice to defeat the fierce Masai ; 
Why have you now forgotten me and gone with these savages ? " 

* Cf A story in Calla way's Zulu Tales. 
[ 75 ] 

Nos, 44-45.] MAN. [1913. 

As soon as Nyangeh heard his voice he charged through the thorn bushes, and 
escaping went to his young friend, followed by all the cattle belonging to his herd, 
and also by all the others which belonged to the Masai. 

The boy at once jumped on his back and directed him to drive away the 
warriors who were pursuing them. Nyangeh charged down upon their pursuers and 
in a short time killed so many that the rest took to flight. When they had been 
thoroughly routed, the boy rode home on the bull, driving the immense herd of cattle 
in front of him. On reaching his own country he met the same people who had 
refused him food, and laughed at him when he told them that he intended to follow 
the Masai. They were all very much astonished to see him back safe and sound, 
and seeing the herd of cattle he had captured they tried to make friends with him, 
hoping that they might get some from him. He, however, declined to give them a 
single head, saying, " No, I will give you nothing. On the day when I asked you 
" for food you gave me nothing, but laughed at me, instead of offering to help me 
" to recover my father's cattle. You are all a lot of cowards, and 1 wish to have 
" nothing to say to any of you." 

He then proceeded to his mother, who welcomed him with great joy. After this 
adventure the boy was looked upon with great respect by the rest of the tribe, and 
when he was old enough was made chief over them. W. E. H. BARRETT. 

India and Persia. Fryer. 

Fryer's East India and Persia. Edited by W. Crooke, B.A., I.C.S., Ret. 
Vol. I. (Hakluyt Society). 

Fryer's Travels ranks as one of the most able and interesting among those of 
the early English works dealing with the East. The author was a man of science, 
a Fellow of the Royal Society, and acquainted with the best botanical, zoological, 
and geological knowledge of the seventeenth century. He was, moreover, an excel- 
lent observer and took a great interest in the customs of the races with which he 
was brought in contact, and of their religion and learning. Although his acquaint- 
ance with India was confined to the western sea-board he observed whatever he had 
the opportunity of seeing. Among others may be noticed his observations on the 
poll-tax imposed on Hindus by Auraugzeb (p. 275), the dependence of Musalmans 
on Banyans (p. 282) in mercantile matters, the Embassy to Sivaji (p. 198), the journey 
to Junnar, and descriptions such as that of the Fakir and the image of Hanumfm 
on p. 313. 

The second volume (just issued) contains the interesting " Relation of the 
Canatick Country," including a visit to Goa with accounts of the Portuguese 
Government and the religious communities. With regard to Mr. Crooke's note on 
p. 12 on the exposition of the body of St. Francis Xavier, in which he says that it 
was last exposed to view in 1859, it may be noted that it was again shown to the 
public amid great enthusiasm in 1890 (as described in a newspaper of December 28th, 
1890). The right arm was found to be missing and was said to have been sent to 
Rome long before. The Jesuits, it appears, were known as Paulistas (not Paulistins 
as Fryer puts it). The misquoted Portuguese couplet on p. 13 does not appear to 
be quite correctly given in the note. Probably it should read 

Francisco guarde minha mulher ; 
O Paulista guarde meu dinheiro. 

?'.e., " Let the Franciscan look after my wife and the Jesuit after my money." 

Another bit of Fryer's Portuguese (on p. 12), " For Amor de Frisco,"" should, 
no doubt, read " Pelo amor de frescura" " for the love of coolness." 

[ 76 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 45-46. 

Fryer's account of the conflict between his ship and a Malabar pirate is 
excellent reading. The name Canorein (p. 27) which Fryer states is the name of 
the "mass of the people" is the word still used in Portugal (Canarim) much as we 
use Eurasian. I have heard the saying in Portugal, ; ' There never yet was a 
" Canarim who was not a descendant of Albuquerque ! " It seems very probable 
that the Anglo-Indian word Karani (vulgo Cranny} is an inversion of Kaniiri. This 
provides a more likely origin than that from Sanskrit " karana " quoted by Yule 
(s.v. Cranny) from Wilson. 

Among the more purely native observations of Fryer may be mentioned his 
account of the Lingayats (p. 77) and of the Holi (p. 79). 

Fryer's general knowledge of India as far as it went is summed up in his 
Special Chorography and History of East India. 

The remainder of the second volume which concludes Fryer's work is taken up 
with his journey in Persia from Gombroon to Ispahan aud back, an interesting 
narrative although the route had been traversed by many European travellers. 

Mr. Crooke brings an unrivalled knowledge of the races and beliefs of India to 
bear on the elucidation of the numerous difficulties in explanation and identification 
which arise in such a work, and has produced an admirable edition, worthy of the 
Hakluyt Society. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 

New Guinea. Murray. 

Papua or British New Guinea. By J. H. P. Murray, Lieut. -Governor of 1 O 
Papua. London and Leipsic : T. Fisher Unwin. Pp. 379. 15s. net. U 

A volume concerning one of our distant possessions, written by its Lieutenant- 
Governor, is invested with the authority which his official position and knowledge 
gives to it, and can hardly fail to be interesting and instructive. 

The book now under review is a general one, dealing, among other things, with 
the geography and history of Papua, the administration of justice there, and the 
development of the country ; but, notwithstanding the author's modest statement that 
he does not "know anything of ethnology," the portions which describe the native 
inhabitants and their customs are most interesting to the ethnologist. 

This description is worked out on a geographical system. Mr. Murray commences 
at the German boundary on the north-eastern coast, from which he travels along the 
coast to the south-eastern extremity of New Guinea ; he then goes to the islands, 
after which he returns along the south-western coast until he reaches the Dutch 
boundary. As the whole of this distance is covered in 104 pages, the author's progress 
is necessarily rapid, and the information given is only of a fragmentary character. 
Very many of the fragments are, however, extremely interesting. We are told, for 
instance, that the Trobriand islanders believe that they are descended from three women 
who came out of the ground, being assisted, one by a dog, one by a pig, and one by 
an iguana, and that these are the animal totems of the three tribes who claim these 
women as their ancestors ; also of a social custom in the island of Sim (one of the 
Trobriands), under which only the married people and children live in the island 
itself, the young men and girls living together on a neighbouring island : and numerous 
other examples of interest might be quoted. 

When Mr. Murray comes to the central division on the south-west coast, his 
chapters become less fragmentary, dealing with the different tribes more from a general 
and comparative point of view, and this is perhaps still more so when he reaches 
the Gulf district. 

His statement that the customs of the Melanesian-speaking Kuni people " are 
" quite different from those of the mountaineers, and approximate to those of the 

[ 77 ] 

Nos. 46-47.] MAN. [1913. 

" Melanesians of the coastal plain " is open to question, as also is his suggestion 
that these Kuni people " are Melanesian . . , and not part of the aboriginal 

" population." It is not disputed that these people have Melanesian blood in their 
veins, and that they have Melauesian customs ; but both physically and culturally 
they approximate much more closely to the Mafulu people of the mountains behind 
them. Indeed, in physique the two tribes are almost indistinguishable, and, if the 
Mafulu have the partial negrito ancestry which is now suspected, it can hardly be 
doubted that the Kuni people have it also. 

It has been suggested that the natives to the north and south of the main range 
in the central district of Papua are more or less in touch with one another ; some 
detailed confirmation of this is given by Mr. Murray, and the fact, if recognised, 
must be borne in mind in dealing with the many complex ethnological problems which 
are met with in this area. 

As regards the Gulf district, it is interesting to note Mr. Murray's reference to the 
statement of Mr. Beaver (the leader of the party who went in search of Mr. Scaniforth 
Smith in his perilous expedition in search of the Strickland river in 1910-11) that 
the people whom he found in the upper reaches of the Kikori river are lighter skinned 
than those of the coast, and Mr. Murray's statement that the Kukukuku people of 
the interior behind the coastal district of Motumotu are also lighter skinned. than 
those of the coast. The existence of lighter skinned people in the interior of the 
Gulf district (the reverse of what is found in the central district) has been reported 
before ; but at present we do not know how widely these lighter people are 

Mr. Murray criticises the use by ethnologists of the term " Papuan " as a general 
one for the earlier inhabitants of New Guinea, in contradistinction to the term 
*' Papuo-Melanesian," applied to the mixed tribes arising from the subsequent super- 
impositions of Melanesians from more easterly islands of the Pacific ; and in this 
connection he draws attention to the wide differences existing between the various 
Papuan languages. His objection is based on the fact that the term "Papua" has 
been adopted as the official name of British New Guinea. It may be pointed out, 
however, that the word " Papuan " had been used by ethnologists long before it was 
adopted by the Australian Government with an official meaning, and, as used, it is a 
convenient name for the earlier inhabitants of the island, who, notwithstanding their 
differences of language, are in many respects similar, and may well be classed together, 
and are clearly distinguishable from the Melanesians. 

The whole book provides extremely interesting reading, and is rendered even 
more enjoyable by the free and pleasant style in which it is written, and the happy 
way in which Mr. Murray introduces here and there humorous narratives of the 
experiences which he and other officials have had in their many journey ings through 
the country. ROBERT W. WILLIAMSON. 

Africa, Central. Kitching;. 

On the Backwaters of the Nile ; Studies of some Child Races of Central 
Africa. By the Rev. A. L. Kitchiug, M.A. T. Fisher Unwin, 1912. Price 
12s. 6d. net. 

This is a most interesting book, and the anthropologist will find it valuable, 
though he might wish that the author had been a little more definite in some 
places as to the particular people with which he is dealing. 

Mr. Kitching commenced the study of his subject in the proper manner. 
" Doubtless it seems hard to the novice, but it is in the highest degree important 
" that he should derive his first impressions of language and thought direct from 

[ 78 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 47-48. 

" the people he is to try to win." He recognises that there is an African etiquette 
that " the black man has his ' don't ' as well as the white man, though the points 
" emphasised are so totally different. A universal 'don't' is to avoid stepping 
" across the food when it is laid out on the mat or leaves ready for a meal. . . . 
" Before a meal don't wash your hands only up to the wrist, but go as far as the 
" elbow." Some " don'ts " are more serious ; for instance, a Teso woman " must never 
" appear in public without her belt of iron rings, or she may be accused of dabbling 
" in witchcraft, ' and " when preceding your chief along a path do not forget to call 
" his attention to every root, stone, or hole in the way, lest he stumble and people 
" remark that you hate or despise him." Dangerous reputations to possess in an 
African state ! 

The means taken for the preservation of children often kill them instead. 
Young married women, about to become mothers, are initiated into the cares and 
trials to come, " the idea being to harden the yet unborn infant that it may be able 
" to face life with a good constitution. The shrieks and yells were from the 
" unfortunate mother-to-be, who was being driven round the village by her male 
" relatives with blows of sticks and plentiful sousing with cold water. The blows 
" and water are supposed to expel from the child the demons of sickness and 
" cowardice and weakness of every description, but it is hardly surprising after 
" such treatment if many of the infants fail to live beyond a few hours or days." 
If it does manage to live, it and the mother are exposed to the weather and the 
insects for some days. 

" Among the Banyoro the names of the various bacwezi, or familiar spirits, 
" are very commonly borne by both boys and girls, such as Dwakaikara (the local 
" ' Smith '), Wamara, Kaguju." Infants may be named after special events, such 
as a journey by the father, or the drinking of medicine by the mother. " The 
" prevalence of infant mortality is emphasised by the frequency with which some 
" names recur. When a boy is named Wempisi it is usually because several 
" children have been born before and all died, and had been exposed to be eaten by 
" the hyrenas. mpisi being the name of the hyaena in Lunyoro." 

Then come remarks on the treatment of the umbilical cord and twins, and 
space forbids to go further into these matters, but the above will give some idea 
of the thorough way in which Mr. Kitching has done his work and this is only 
one branch of the material which he has collected. In addition to being valuable, 
the book is readable, a sketch-map and many excellent photographs adding to its 
attractiveness. A. J. N. T. 

Heroic Age. Chadwick. 

The Heroic Age. By H. Munro Chadwick. Cambridge University Press, JA 
1912. Price 12s. net. TU 

Mr. Chadwick considers the Heroic Age to be the period of adolescence, with its 
characteristic virtues and shortcomings, in the history of nations. This somewhat 
obvious conclusion he reaches by analysis of the religious, political and social 
phenomena of the heroic ages of the Teutonic, the Greek, the Servian, the Cambrian, 
and other nationalities. His evidence is script in the form of sagas, lays, epic and 
other narrative poetry. 

The field, therefore, over which he travels is one in which the material lends itself, 
within certain limits, to much individual speculation. And perhaps what strikes an 
admirer of Mr. Chadwick's erudition and scholarship is that he has not always 
sufficiently borne in mind that characteristic of poetry which Aristotle pointed out, and 
upon which he himself remarks. Poetry as distinguished from history tells of what 
ouht to be, not necessarily of what is. Mr. Chadwick assumes throughout that 

[ 79 ] 

Nos. 48-49.] MAN. [1913. 

because a thing was stated in poetry, therefore it must at some time have been. 
Excluding, of course, the supernatural, there is no religious or political or social 
happening mentioned in poetry for which he does not claim a definite historical counter- 
part. This is specially noticeable in his treatment of the Homeric poems. Because 
they are, on the whole, court poems of the life of kings', therefore there must have 
been kings with courts such as they describe. Such reasoning is, of course, wholly 
fallacious, and leaves out of account the instinctive magnifying power of the creative 

Therefore Mr. Chadwick's division of Teutonic heroic poetry into four historical 
stages is not particularly impressive. Nor is it particularly useful to Mr. Chadwick, 
for he implicitly gives up the attempt to apply his division in other fields of poetry. 

He suggests that the essential conditions for a Heroic Age need not involve 
more than may be summed up in the phrase "Mars and the Muses." But, as he 
himself points out elsewhere, the truth lies deeper. The essence of heroic societies 
is personality. Personal achievement and the praise of personal achievement, each 
acting upon and advancing the other, are their springs of thought and action. Each 
finds its consummation in the prince, who is always the bravest man, never the best 

Mr. Chadwick has much to say about Homer (one sometimes wonders how long 
the use of that name will be permissible). He rejects, probably rightly, the modern 
theory thai; the Iliad and Odyssey grew up in the Greek settlements of Asia Minor on 
a basis of ballads. They refer to a sub-Mycenean age. " When," to quote his words, 
" the storms broke upon Greece, crowds of refugees fled to the new TEolic settlements 
" across the JEgean. Among them were many court minstrels, who brought with 
" them not only a poetic technique matured by long experience but also a number 
" of poems," 

The merits of the book have been indicated. They are somewhat impaired by a 
lack of method (why does a chapter on the Causes of the Heroic Age come last in 
the book) by a tendency to repetition, probably reminiscent of academical necessities, 
and a certain diffuseness of style. By the way, Mr. Chadwick .should remember that 
if he must use the first person singular (in itself somewhat to be deprecated in a study 
of this kind) he must never also use the first person plural. H. A. A. C. 


THE Report of the Royal Commission on University Education in London, over 1 Q 
which Lord Haldane of Cloan presided, contains an interesting declaration of U 
official policy towards anthropology in the following words : " There is no doubt in 
" our opinion that a well-equipped department of ethnology is a necessary adjunct 
" in the School of Oriental Studies -about to be established in the City. It is almost 
" as important that officials and others intending to spend their lives in the East or 
" in parts of the Empire inhabited by non-European races should have a knowledge 
" of their racial characteristics as that they should be acquainted with their speech, 
" and we have reason to believe that the Colonial Office shares this view " (p. 66). 
The Council of the Institute is fully aware of the importance of the great and far- 
reaching measures which are likely to be devised at no distant date for the organi- 
sation of the intellectual resources of the Empire, and have submitted representations 
to the Secretary of State for India in Council as to the necessity for including 
anthropology among the subjects to be dealt with in the Oriental Institutes which 
are. likely to be founded in London and in India. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C- 


MAX, 1913. 


FIG. i. 

V s * 

FIG. 2. 



[No. 50. 


India : Manipur. With Plate F. Shakespear. 

The Pleasing of the God Thangjing. By Lieut.-CoL J. Shakespear, 
C.I.E., D.S.O. 

The inhabitants of Moirang are divided into fifteen families, each of which has 
its particular god or goddess, but over all is the god Thangjing, therefore all the 
lesser divinities join in his Harauba, or " Pleasing." About four o'clock little pro- 
cessions emerge from the different Leikais or quarters inhabited by the different 
families. Each consists of a gaudy litter surmounted by a canopy in which are 
some of the sacred clothes of the god or goddess, for except in the case of Nong- 
shaba 1 , the divinities do not come in person ; with each litter is a drummer, one or 
two umbrella bearers, and a few followers. Nongshaba and his wife Sarunglaima 
come in person, two by no means beautiful figures. The reason of this is that they 
are the parents of Thangjing. 
Nongshaba is the greatest of 
the Umang lai or forest gods, 
but he made his only son, 
Thangjing the chief god of 
Moirang. These processions all 
converge on the Lai-sang of 
Thangjing and the gods and 
goddesses or their emblems are 
taken from the litters and carried 
inside the Lai-sang (god's house) 
and placed beside Thangjing. 
Previous to the arrival of the 
gods the Moirang Ningthou 
{King of Moirang) and his wife 
the Moirang Leima have taken 
their seats in specially prepared 
sheds on the right and left of 
the Lai-sang 2 . As soon as the 
last of the gods has been in- 
stalled some five or six men 
take up their position before 
the Lai-sang and commence a 
chorus of " ho ! O ho ! Oha ! 
He! He! Hi! .Hi!" repeated 
over and over again, reminding 
one of the shouts of Nagas. 
Then a procession is formed. 
Thangj ing's sacred Dahs carried by two men lead the way, followed by women 
bearing his vessels, men with his umbrellas, then a drummer and some Penna 3 
players, followed by the litter of the Moiraug Leima, behind which comes that of 
her spouse. The Ningthou and the Leima each wear a silken sling round 
the neck which reaches to the waist, and in which reposes a small earthen pot 
containing twenty sel, a betel nut, and a pan leaf. The top of each pot is covered 
with green leaves, which are tied round the neck, and from the centre of which 
projects some six or eight inches a bunch of leaves surmounted by a white flower. 
Beside this is a bobbin round which a cotton thread is wound. The procession halts 
beside a stream which passes through the village ; the litters are placed side by side 

[ 81 ] 

FIG. 1. 

No. 50.] MAN. [1913. 

a few feet from the water's edge. The Maibis, z'.e., priestesses, one of whom is a 
man dressed in a woman's clothes, sprinkle the water with flour and roasted dhan 
called " Puk yu, wai yu," out of which a mildly intoxicating drink is made. Seven 
short lengths of bamboo are stuck in the mud beside the water and these are 
sprinkled with the rice, &c., and with water. This is done to appease the seven 
evil spirits, Saroi and Naroi 4 , who are ever on the look-out to injure mankind. 

The female Maibi then comes forward and enters the water a short way, carrying 
a parcel made of leaves, which contains some rice, a duck's egg, a little gold and silver, 
and a lime. She first flips 5 the surface of the water three times, then immerses the 
parcel in the water, and after withdrawing it she throws it into the stream and ugain 
flips the surface. This operation is repeated with a second parcel and then with 
two parcels at the same time. The first two parcels are said to be an offering to the 
Lam-lai 6 (country god) of the water ; the two which are thrown in together are for 
Thangjing. The male Maibi now takes the earthen pots from the Ningthou and the 
Leima 7 , and dances a measure on the bank accompanied by the female Maibi, who 
holds a bunch of green leaves called Langterei in one hand while she tinkles a little 
bell with the other. The Pennas or fiddles play the while. Then the female Maibi 
takes the earthen pots, and entering the water, moves them gently about in the water, 
taking care that no water goes inside. She then sprinkles a little water on the 
upright leaves. The pots are then returned to the Ningthou and Leima, who stand 
beside the water with the pots in their slings. The bobbins are removed and the 
threads unwound ; the female Maibi holds the bobbins in her hand, while the other 
ends of the threads are tied inside the pots. The female Maibi, holding the bunch 
of Langterei leaves and the bobbins in her right hand, and tinkling a small bell with 
her left, stoops down and moves the Langterei leaves about in the water. The male 
Maibi holds up the middle of the threads to keep them out of the water. The 
female Maibi intones a long incantation interspersed with extempore prayers to 
Thangjing to manifest himself and Wess the country. She gets more and more excited 
and sings quicker and quicker and then suddenly stops ; Thangjing has come. Rising 
up she passes her left hand up the threads, moistening them up to the earthen pots. 
The strings are then disentangled and the Ningthou and Leima resume their seats in 
their litters, holding the pots in their laps, while the Maibis hold the ends of the threads 
and walk on ahead, several women walking behind them supporting the threads. 

The procession returns to the Lai-sang. It passes round the end of the shed 8 
on the left of the Lai-sang and advances up the centre of the court yard, passing over 
some rice placed on a leaf and some burning reeds 9 , and halts before the god's house. 
The earthen pots are taken into the house and placed before Thangjing. The 
Ningthou and Leima get out of their litters, and having prostrated themselves before 
Thangjing, they go to their proper seats. A Maiba now comes forward and stands 
facing the Lai-sang, holding up in front of his chest a small log of Hei-it 10 wood, 
and makes a lengthy address to Thangjing invoking his aid. This concluded, several 
assistants come to his aid, and fire is made by drawing a piece of cane quickly 
backwards and forwards under the log, which is pressed down on to it with the foot, 
the hot dust being caught on some tinder. With the " clean " fire thus obtained 
some reeds are ignited and over this some fish 11 is cooked. While the fire is being 
made the Maibi dances before the god accompanied by two Penna players. The dance 
is slow, the feet being lifted high in turn and the hands waved about, much play 
being made with the fingers ; at every third or fourth step the dancer turns round. 
After the Maibi has withdrawn, three Maibas advance and perform a dance three 
times before the Lai-sang. Their dance is like that of the Maibi, but a little more 
lively, and the hands are thrown over each shoulder in turn with a smart jerk. At 
the end of each dance the hands are clasped before the face and an obeisance made. 

[ 82 1 



[No. 50. 

This dance is followed by one by three married women, who also dance three 
times, the steps being the same as those of the Maibi ; they also dance to the music 
of the Pennas, whereas the Maibas had a drum and a cymbal as orchestra. In these 
two dances the performers must be three in number and they must dance three times, 
not more or less. By this time the fish is ready and pieces are distributed to every- 
one present. The eating of this fish is supposed to bring good luck. A white cloth 
is now spread on the steps of the Lai-sang and the women who are going to join 
in to-morrow's dance come forward and lay on it the clothes they intend to wear and 
then reverently sit down in two rows at right angles to the steps, while Maiba 
wrapped in a large white sheet stands between the rows facing the Lai-sang and 
invokes the blessing of Thangjing on the clothes and all concerned in the festival. 
The invocation finished, all bow to the ground, and the women then remove their 
clothes from the steps and the ceremonies are over for the day. 

Second Day, 8th May. The Moirang Ningthou proceed to the Lai-sang mounted 
on an elephant, and preceded by the Moirang Leima, on another elephant, they are 
escorted by Penna players and the official Bard who sings of the doings of Thangjing. 
The Phamnai- 
bas, i.e., title 
holders, are 
already dancing 
before the Lai- 
sang. As the 
Ningthon dis- 
mounts they all 
prostrate them- 
selves. The 
Ningthou and 
Leima prostrate 
themselves be- 
fore the Lai and 
then take their 

1. Some 
twenty married 
women dance 
before the Lai- 

sang, in four lines ; the step is the same as that of the dance which took place 
yesterday. The dress is the ordinary dancing dress of married women. In addition 
to her own hair each wears a long tress, which reaches below her waist, of false 
hair. These tresses are generally imported from Burma. The orchestra consists of 
three Penna players and a fluter. 

2. The next dance is performed by men most of whom are title holders. The 
step is the same as yesterday, the party dances in lines, and in addition to the drum 
and the cymbal a band of men and boys stand near and clap hands. 

3. A dance of women most of whom are wives of the title holders, but as some 
are too old to dance, recruits from the commons are welcome. 

4. The men dance again. The hand clappers are more numerous and emit 
discordant shrieks, which I am told are the song that was sung when Mahadev took 
Parvati to Brindabun. This introduction of Hinduism into a purely animistic festival 
is interesting. 

5. The married women dance again in greater numbers ; after a short time they 
themselves to the left of the Lai-sang, and the Moirang Leima, accompanied bv 

[ 83 ] 

No. 50.] MAN. [1913. 

the wife of the Khadarakpa, take up their position opposite to them, and after bowing 
proceed to dance before the god. In this dance the Moirang 2s ingthou should really 
join, but he is too old for such things. The Moirang Leiina wears over her ordinary 
skirt a highly ornamented over-skirt, looking glasses about two inches square alternate" 
with squares of embroidery of the same size. The Penna players are assisted by the 
drummer who plays in honour of the absent Ningthou. 

6. The men dance again. 

7. The three Maibis dance (one of them being a man in woman's clothes 12 ). The 
Maibis gradually get excited and end their dance by skipping about most friskily. 
They thereby invite Thangjing to take possession of them, but to-day he did not 

8. A procession is now formed ; first come two men carrying Thangj ing's 
sacred Dahs ; next two maidens in dancing costume carrying fans and vessels ; then 
two married women with similar utensils ; these are followed by ten 13 married women 
in single rank, each wearing round her head a red sash which has been laid before 
one of the goddesses. Two umbrella bearers walk one on each side of the first woman. 
After the cloth bearers come a nvimber of women followers, behind whom comes an 
umbrella bearer followed by nine men, each wearing on his head a red cloth which 
has been placed before one of the nine gods ; these are followed by male followers 
in dancing costume. The procession is formed up with its head opposite the Lai-sang. 
A few feet away on the inner side a Maiba, in dancing costume, with a Penna- 
player on each side of him and drummer behind, takes his place. The Maiba reads 
a long invocation from an ancient writing, and then the procession moves off round 
the courtyard, going the opposite way to the hands of a clock. The Maiba continues 
reading while a master of the ceremonies instructs the performers as to their actions 
from an ancient writing which he carries. It is most important that no mistake 
should be made, hence the reference to the manuscripts. The actions refer to the 
story read by the Maiba, which tells of how Thangjing created mankind, commencing 
from the feet. Having gone round several times in single rank, double rank is formed, 
the pairs holding hands ; after two or three rounds in this formation the lines separate 
and form up opposite each other, one facing, and one with its back to the Lai-sang ; 
they then advance and pass through each others ranks, turn round, return, passing 
through again ; this is repeated several times, and then the double rank formation 
is resumed and several more circumambulations are completed, and again the two 
ranks separate, this time forming up on opposite sides of the ground and advancing 
across the front of the Lai-sang, passing through each others ranks backwards and 
forwards several times ; finally they form up four abreast and march round once or 
twice and then down the centre and halt before the Lai-sang, and the day's perform- 
ance is over. During the latter part of the marching the Maibis got somewhat 
frisky, pirouetting and exchanging banter, but the ribald jocularity which was con- 
spicuous at Kakching was absent. It is noticeable that the maidens and young men 
take but little part in Thangjing's Lai-harauba. The marching hither and thither 
was said to demonstrate the search for Thangjing, who having finished the work 
of creation, hid himself. The gathering in front of the Lai-sang signified that the 
god had been found. 

Third Day, 9th May. This day's performance was practically the same as 
yesterday's, except that several low comedy interludes were inserted, but I was 
assured that they had nothing to do with the " Pleasing of the God," but were 
simply put in to make people laugh. I therefore omit them. 

The Moirang Ningthou showed me to-day an ancient cloth which he asserts was 
made by Thoibi for the wife of Thangjing. In the troublous times of the Burmese 
invasions this cloth was lost, but last year it was brought to him by the people of 

[ 84 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No, 50, 

Marring Khuobi, who said that since the Lai-harauba of Thfmgjing had been resumed 
and celebrated with their former pomp the god had troubled them much with sickness 
and therefore they now gave up this cloth. This is interesting as supporting the theory 
that these ceremonies are necessary for the renewal of the vitality of the Lai. The 
cloth, to my incredulous gaze, looked suspiciously modern. It was plain khaki colour 
save for a border some eight inches wide on which were worked in black a row of 
strange birds. 

I was unable to stay to witness the end of the Harauba, but I am informed 
that on the fourth day Thangjing and all the other Lais are carried in their litters 
to a place about two miles distant near the foot of the hills, and there " clean " fire 
is made as on the first day, fish cooked, and the usual dances follow, the party 
returning before dark. The fifth and sixth days are similar to the second and third. 
On the last day the contents of the earthen pots which figured so prominently on 
the first day are divided among the Maibas and Maibis. 

Divination is practised thus : the enquirer takes a very small piece of gold and 
silver and gives them to the Maiba, who saying the appropriate charm places them 
in the palm of his hand and then inverts it over a circular piece of plantain leaf. 
If the two pieces rest between the two middle ribs of the leaf the decision is 
favourable to the enquirer, and if the silver is behind the gold it is extremely 
favourable. Should the pieces rest elsewhere on the leaf misfortune may be 

The Maibis may be consulted as to who has committed a crime, but they will 
not commit themselves further than a general description of the criminal, such as 
that he is a dark man who comes from Wangu, or a thin woman who deals in fish. 


1 Nongshaba. The head Maiba of Moirang informed me that when the universe was in the 
making and all was dark this powerful " Lai " produced light. Nongshaba may mean maker of 
the sun. 

2 Lai-sang. This is a prosaic looking building with a corrugated iron roof. It consists of au 
open room in front and an inner holy of holies, with a passage round it. On the exterior of the 
walls of this inner chamber are frescoes illustrating the story of Khamba and Thoibi, which can be 
seen through the windows in the outer wall. 

3 The Penna is a fiddle, the head of which is a cocoanut covered with thin leather, and the 
strings are horse hair stretched over a little wooden bridge resting on the leather. The bow has a 
wooden handle and a curved iron head ornamented with little bells ; the string is horse hair. 

4 Saroi and Naroi. These spirits are said to have no special names, and I have so far been 
unable to find out much about them, but they are said to be very michievous. Sa = wild animals ; 
nga = fish ; roi = loi = along with, accompanying. 1 have not found out much about these spirits. 
They are much dreaded. On the two Saturdays preceeding the Holi festival they are appeased by 
offerings of every sort of food and some cotton collected from every house in each village. Old 
women place these offerings across every road where it crosses the village boundary. A portion 
containing a little of each article and some Puk-yu Wai-yu is placed for each of the seven spirits. 
The old women then call on the spirit of the last person who has died in the village to keep the 
Saroi Ngaroi from entering the village, as these offerings have been placed for them. On the 
Saturday next but one before the Holi all sorts of food are offered to Senamahi, the household 
god, and then cooked and eaten by the household and friends. The householder places a little of 
each article at every entrance to his homestead/ 

5 This flipping of the water with the finger is said to disperse evil influences which may lurk 
beneath it. 

6 The gods of all the waters of Manipur are I'ke Ningthou and I-rai Leima. When the Maibi 
throws them her offering she whispers, " We give you this to eat. We know you as Muba and 
" Mubi (black ones).'' Every Manipuri has a nickname or a pet name, and the Maibi calls the 
gods by these nicknames as a sign of affection. 

7 This is the important part of the ceremony. It was explained to me that all the Umang Lai 
came from the water, and the ceremony is intended to renew the vitality of the Lai and to bring 
him into action. The threads are roads by which he can proceed to the pots. The Langterei 
leaves are placed in the Ningthou's pot and are kept in the Lai-sang till the next Lai-harauba. I 

[ 85 1 

Nos, 50-51,] MAN. [1913, 

was told that if the Harauba were not celebrated sickness and scarcity would prevail, partly on 
account of the god's anger and partly because of his failing strength. 

8 In front of the Lai-sang is a wide open space, down each side of which runs a long shed ; in 
that on the right sit the notabilities of Moirang, the Ningthou nearest the Lai-sang, the others in 
due gradation. Opposite them sit their spouses also in proper order. 

10 The wood is selected because it is soft and ignites easily. This method of making fire is still 
used by Nagas in out-of-the-way parts of the hills. 

11 The fish takes the place of the bull which was sacrificed in pre-Hindu days. ( Vide The 
Meit/urig, by T. C. Hodson, p. 144.) 

12 1 am told that the Lais prefer women to dance before them, and therefore when a man 
becomes " possessed " he assumes women's clothes. It is noticeable that the Maiba, priests of these 
Umang Lai, do not take part in the dances at the Lai-harauba, though everything is regulated by 
them. The men who work themselves up into a frenzy and say they are possessed don women's 
clothes and dance, but are not enrolled among the Maibas. The real Maibis are people of import- 
ance. It is usual for a Manipuri husband to sleep on the right, but if his wife is a Maibi he 
yields her the place of honour. 

13 1 enquired why there were ten representatives of the goddesses, as there are only seven 
goddesses of the families. I was told that the other three were the wives of Thangjing and 
Nongshaba, but on the next day only nine representatives of the goddesses appeared, and [ was told 
that by mistake one in excess had been decorated the first day. Seeing how much importance is 
said to attach to the verbal accuracy of the chant, it seems curious that such a mistake!' was not 
considered likely to have any bad effects. 


Fig. 1. THE TITLE HOLDERS OP MOIRANG. The Ningthou is seated. In front of him, each on a 
piece of plantain leaf, are his betel-nut box and other brass utensils, a little to one side is his looking- 
glass. On all ceremonial occasions these utensils and looking-glass are carried with every person of 
importance. There are twenty-nine title holders, but only fourteen appear in the group. The title 
holders receive no pay and have no specific duties. There is a strict order of precedence among the 
title holders, and persons will pay considerable sums for a title. 

Fig. 2. THE SECOND DANCE OF THE SECOND DAY. The performers are male titleholders of the 


two girls are carrying the god's fans and utensils in their hands, and each has a red blanket for the 
god's use o^er her left shoulder. 

Fig. 2. THE ENTICING OF THANGJING. The Moirang Ningthou is sitting in the centre under the 
two umbrellas. The Leima, his wife, is hidden by one of the Maibis, who is supporting the thread 
leading to the langterei leaves in the hand of the chief Maibi, who is moving them about in the water. 
On the right, at the water's edge, are seen the seven bamboo tubes for the Saroi Naroi. These 
tubes are identical with the three tlieibial used in a similar manner in the Tui-leh-ram sacrifice 
performed by the Luthais and other cognate classes to appease the spirits of the land and water. 

Africa, East. Beech. 

A Ceremony at a Mugumu or Sacred Fig-tree of the A-Kikuyu of 
East Africa. By M. W. H. Beech, M.A. 

At Nyakumu, in the Kikuyn Native Reserve, there is being built a large dam. 
This is to catch rain-water for the flocks of the A-Kikuyu to drink in the dry 

The dam is 500 yards in circumference and is nearly completed. Towards the 
end of February there was a heavy thunder shower, and a large quantity of water 
found its way into the enclosure. What should be noticed is that this is a new 
water supply ; no domestic animals had as yet drunk from it. 

Now, however, they will do so, for Ngai (God), through the medium of a 
sacred mugumu (or fig-tree) such as was described by me in MAN, 1913, 3, has 
received his due, and has exercised or appeased the spirits of the rain, for it is rain- 
water in the dam. The ceremony, which took some time, I myself witnessed, and 
it is worth describing in detail. 

The Government "chief" Kinyanjui wa Gotheriniu an officer of our own 

[ 86 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 51. 

creating produced a he-goat and an ewe. The ewe was entirely red and was barren. 
The he-goat was entirely black, and had been castrated as a kid. 

Two young men of the ghika or age Kamande first secured and then, having 
seized their heads, bestrode the victims. They next started conducting them in 
opposite directions round the whole circumference of the dam, meeting about half-way 
round. Care was taken that the he-goat passed on the inside. Before they started 
two A-Kikuyu and the European foreman, who were at work inside the circle, were 
called outside. To have stayed would have caused them to be infected with thahu 
(tabu). After thuswise encircling the dam twice the victims were led to a sacred 
muguinu which was conveniently growing hard by. A large calabash of honey 
wine was produced, and two horns were filled with the liquid. One of these was in 
silence poured over the tree-trunk on the side exactly facing the sunrise ; the 
second was poured on to the tree in a similar manner on the side facing the sunset. 
The exact spots on which to pour the libation were deliberately calculated, not 
chosen at random. Care was taken that some of the liquid trickled into a crevice 
formed by knotty excrescences of the tree. The Elders then returned to the east 
the way they had come ; they might not go round the tree. 

I followed them back to the east, where the two victims were lying side by 
side on the ground. Both were being held on their backs with their feet in the air, 
their tails pointing east and and their heads facing the mugumu on the west. The 
female, as before, was on the outside. In this position they were slowly strangled ; 
not a sound was heard ; not a bone was broken ; not a drop of blood was spilt. 
Their throats were squeezed by the knees and their mouths and nostrils tightly closed 
by the hands of two men, and whilst their lives were ebbing away, a horn of wine was 
poured out on to the ground near the head of each. 

Perhaps two minutes elapsed, and both were lying with outstretched heads and 
glassy eyes, quite dead. The Athuri (Elders) at this juncture each drank a little wine. 

Others then began to skin the black goat. A small incision was made in the 
skin of the throat, which was then slit downwards to the navel. When, however, 
the breast bone was reached the operators cut to either side, leaving on the project- 
ing bone a small oval island, as it were, of skin. The skin of the legs was also 
slit half way to the feet. The same operation was then performed on the red ewe. 
The skin on the neck and front of each animal was then carefully parted aside so 
as to expose the breast, and the dead animals brought to a standing position with 
heads outstretched facing the mugumu. 

Under their legs were placed a few twigs and leaves of the same tree. Each 
victim in turn was then pierced to the heart by a knife, and its blood gushed forth 
into the two horns held beneath to receive it. What was over fell on the mugumu 
leaves. The " chief " proceeded to do with the horns of blood exactly as he had done 
with the honey wine, viz., to pour them carefully over the east and west faces of the 
mugumu. All in silence. 

The wounds where the animals had been pierced were then fastened up with a 

After this another kind of native wine, this time made of sugar cane, was 
poured east and west on the mugumu exactly as before, and, as before, in silence. 

The fat of the breasts of both animals, together with the oval of skin before 
mentioned, were then carefully cut off. Half of this skin was separated from the fat 
and a small hole made. 

The breast bones were then cut out entire, the hearts and lungs taken out 
together, and, lastly, the stomachs. 

The stomachs with the dung in them were then carried round the dam by two 
youths, walking as before, in opposite directions. 

[ 87 ] 

No. 51,] MAN. [1913. 

There were a number of women and children inside the darn. These had all to 
be removed outside the circle before the procession could proceed. A crowd of women 
fled away shrieking, then watched the scene from a distance. None, however^ 
witnessed the ceremonies at the tree. 

The stomachs were then taken from the youths by two old men, who slit them 
and mixed the contents with leaves of kingeria, which is a kind of everlasting plant 
said to be indestructible except by fire, and called, I believe, in Scotland, " Wandering 

This mixture was scattered all over the water which had already collected in 
the dam amid prayers to Ngai to send no more sickness. Each handful thrown was 
accompanied by a shout from each individual, " Ndahoya Ngai, Ndahuya Ngai" 
" O God I pray, God I pray." 

This, I was told, ended the first part of the proceedings ; I should be called to 
witness the final in about an hour's time. Meantime the Elders retired to feast on 
the victims' flesh. It was, in fact, an interval for refreshments. 

An hour later I returned to the mugumu and found the elders had dined (and 
wined) exceedingly well. They were sitting in a circle ; in front of them was a 
rough table made of mugumu and muthigio leaves. On this I saw the remnants of 
the feast gnawed bones, scraped heads, feet, &c. All that remained intact was the 
breast and that piece of fat with the oval-shaped island or skin upon it. 

The ceremony then proceeded. Firstly, the breast and this piece of fat and skin 
of the male victim was, with much reverence, affixed to the tree on the eastern side. 
Prayers for prosperity, for cattle, sheep, women, and children accompanied the 
ceremony. The awful name of Ngai was solemnly chanted at the end of each 
separate request. Exactly the same ceremony was performed on the western side of 
the tree with the pieces of the female victim. Again the same prayers. Requests 
were made that Ngai would eat the meat prepared for him. 

Then at the foot of the tree on either side were deposited half a victim's head 
and five or six pieces of half burnt firewood. With these Ngai was requested to 
cook his food. Next a perfect torrent of wine (made from sugar cane this time) was 
poured on the eastern and western sides of the tree. Ngai was besought to drink. 
Then the skin of the male victim was placed at the foot of the tree on the east. 
Ngai was requested to clothe himself. The skin of the ewe was, however, left on 
the leaf table. This over, the Elders again taking care not to go round the tree 
came back the way they had gone and sat round the leaf table, on which the wretched 
remains of the unfortunate animals were left. A man was for putting some 
smouldering sticks on this table, but was hastily prevented ; it is forbidden. 

The drink went around again and the following prayer was uttered : 

" Tuanyua tuikare wega na utuhe indu na mburi na ngombe na ciana na 
mundu-muka na kiama kigwate ivega" 

" We drink that we may live happily and may you (0 God) give us possessions, 
and sheep, and cattle, and Avomen, and that the Kiama (council of elders) obtain 

Two or three of the elders in turn took a branch of mugumu in their hands, 
stood up and prayed in turn. Their sentences were punctuated with Amens and 
groans, not unlike what I have heard at Bible meetings in my youth. The jumble 
of bones and meat, also the skin of the female victim, were left on the table. On 
this, too, were replaced a mugumu branch which had been held in turn by the orators. 
The whole was left for Ngai. 

This concluded the ceremony, which the chief summed up in the following 
words : 

"Now the water is good. The flocks that drink of it will thrive and increase. 

[ 88 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 51-52. 

The men and women who drink of it will have no pains in their bellies. Ngai will 
send much rain and fill the dam." 

The Athuris' voices were hoarse, their gait to be unsteady. They 
retired to driuk beer. "A whole jug each, a whole jug each," muttered one thickly. 
I did not follow them. 

Native explanations of the above customs were, as might be expected, for the 
most part unsatisfactory. 

Why must the he-goat pass on the inside, i.e., next the dam wall ? Why were 
the victims barren ? No explanation at all could be given, but I imagine that the 
original reasons are connected with fear of impurity. The female sheep must not 
go near the water for fear of on the analogy of a possibly menstruous woman 
infecting it with thahu. Similarly, if the victims are barren there is less fear of 
impurity. Or, seeing that the whole ceremony is planned to make sure the water 
causes women and flocks to be fertile, might it be considered bad magic to kill what 
was already fertile ? 

On a subsequent occasion, when I put these two questions to another elder, I 
could get no reply to the second, while as to the first he said : " The elders per- 
" formed that part of the ceremony wrong they must have forgotten it will now 
" have to be done all over again. The female should have passed on the inside 
" near the dam wall just as is the case with man and wife in a hut the wife 
" must sleep next to the wall and the husband outside. Again, they should not 
" have completed the circle. The best way, however, is for both male and female 
" to go the same way the male in front of the female. After reaching half way 
" they should turn round and go back the way they came and then go round the 
" other way to the spot at which they first turned round, and then back again the 
" same way to the starting place." 

Whichever party is right as to the position of the male and female, I am inclined 
to think that my late informant is correct as to not completing the circle, for it will 
be remembered that it was not permissible to complete a circle round the mugumu. 

The reason given for this is that the sun is the child of Ngai (God), and as he 
journeys from east to west a path must be left for him. If the path be not left the 
man who closed it by walking round the tree will become infected with thahu and 
Ngai will refuse the sacrifices. 

This again is why the sacrifices are deliberately placed on the east and west 
faces of the mugumu. " The sun can see them all along his course." 

As to the reason of the victims being all black and all red, I was told that if 
a third victim was sacrificed it would have to be all white. " It is not permissible 
" for the victims to be dappled, they must be entirely of one colour." It is true 
that one Elder informed me that the reason of the he-goat being all black was because 
the rain clouds are black, and it was subsequently confirmed by the others. The last 
statement, however, should be accepted with extreme caution, as I regret to say that 
I obtained it as the result of a leading question which was out of my mouth before 
I had realised the enormity of my offence. M. W. H. BEECH. 

Ethnology : Method. Hamilton. 

Necessity for Accuracy in Treating of Ethnological Subjects. CO 

By A. Hamilton. Wfc 

It is a deplorable fact that some writers on Maori customs, pursuits, beliefs, &c., 

have an unfortunate habit of writing of certain local or sporadic items as though 

they were common or widespread usages, thus in many cases leaving the reader with 

the impression that some such item (in reality confined to a small section of the race 

in a small part of the country) was universally practised or believed throughout 

[ 89 ] 

Nos. 52-53.] MA.N. [1913. 

Maoriland. This practice is due to carlessness. want of proper enquiry and attention 
to detail, and, apparently, to a desire to include all possible matter of interest in the 
paper being written. The careful analytical mind is wanting in such writers. 

Ethnographical and technological notes collected from a single tribe of natives 
are put on record in some journal ; these are copied by writers and go forth as 
universal customs, pursuits, or beliefs in New Zealand, whereas in many cases such 
items are merely local usages, or at least have not been recorded from other districts. 

But few persons collect original matter concerning the customs, &c., of native 
races and record it ; but there are many writers who copy such items in a careless 
manner, or even distort them sometimes by suppressing the fact that they are only 
known to obtain within a small area, or by the introduction of baseless theories. In 
like manner persons utterly ignorant of the Maori tongue have written papers on its 
construction, word meanings, &c. We have even known English words to be treated 
as Maori, and remarks made on the amazing resemblance they bear to English forms. 
This is largely owing to the reprehensible practice of inserting the native pronuncia- 
tion of English words in Maori dictionaries, as noted in Williams' Maori Dictionary, 
hence such dreadful words as Temara-thimble and Temepara-temple, both appear in 
that otherwise useful work. 

It is not too much to say that the Maori has been credited with many customs, 
beliefs, &c., that he as a race knows nothing about. As an instance of this, in 
one solitary case skeletons have been discovered at the bases of the larger posts of 
a Maori pa or fortified hamlet. This item has been seized upon by stay-at-home 
" authorities " and magnified into an universal custom among the Maori, whereas 
tradition is silent on the subject, and on the east coast, from the East Cape south- 
wards, it is known that the whalu buried at the base of the first erected post was 
merely a stone. 

A large number of instances might be given in which local customs, habits, 
beliefs have been credited to the Maori people at large. 

Although Mr. Best in his articles on customs and beliefs in the small isolated 
portion of the dominion known as the Urewera district (about the size of an average 
English county) has carefully stated that many of these customs are only known to 
this handful of people, these particular customs have been credited to the whole of 
the Maori people, not only in the North Island but in the practically unknown 
tribes formerly inhabiting the Southern Island. As a matter of fact, in ethnographical 
matters names of things differed in the north and south, east and west of the North 
Island. A reason for such differences was that the education in what was considered 
sacred things was confined to quite limited numbers, and jealously guarded by those 
initiated, and not communicated to others of different lineage. There was practically 
little uniformity of knowledge, and the same name or term might occasionally be 
used with quite a different meaning. A. HAMILTON 

Africa, East. "Werner. 

Two Galla Legends. By Miss A. Werner. CO 

So little, comparatively, has been published with regard to the Galla that UU 
the two stories here following may be of interest. They were obtained from Abarea 
Worede, of the Karar Dulo clan, chief of the (Barareta) Galla at Kurawa, two or 
three days' journey north of Malindi. Unfortunately, I could not get him to dictate 
the Galla text, or even take down his Swahili verbatim, but I think I have omitted 
no essential point of what he told me. The first story is an interesting variant of 
the one told by all Bantu tribes of the chameleon. (The chameleon does not appear 
to enjoy any special importance though considered somewhat unlucky. " It is feared 
a little but not much.") The bird Holawaka (" the sheep of God " from its cry, 

[ 90 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 53-54. 

which resembles the bleating of a sheep) is called by the Wagiryama Kwalala ; it is 
said to be black (or dark blue ?) with a white patch on each wing and a crest on its 
head. It is usually seen alone, sitting on the tops of trees and uttering its wailing 

God sent the bird Holawaka to tell men that they would not die : when they 
found themselves growing old and weak, they would slip off their skins and become 
young again. He gave the bird a crest (kama bendera, " like a flag ") as a badge 
of office, to mark it as His messenger. It set out, and had not gone very far before 
it found a snake in the path eating a dead animal. (" The snake was already an 
enemy," Abarea explained implying that this was an aggravation of Holawaka's 
offence. The story does not profess to explain the origin of the enmity between 
snakes and men.) Holawaka said, " Give me some of the meat and the blood and 
" I will tell you God's message." The snake said he did not want to hear it, but 
Holawaka insisted that it concerned him very nearly and pressed him till he gave 
way. The bird then said, " The message is this men when they grow old will die, 
" but you, when you find yourself becoming infirm, all you have to do is to crawl 
" out of your skin and you will renew your youth." 

This is why people grow old and die, but snakes change their skins and grow 
young again. God laid a curse on the bird, which is now afflicted with chronic 
constipation (Hanyi Mavi Kabisd), and in its never-ceasing pain and distress sits in 
the tree-tops moaning and wailing " Wakati-a-a ! " (" My God ! "). Abarea paraphrases 
its cry as " Mwenyiezi Muumgu wangu ! nipomfeshe, nimeharibu save me, I am 
destroyed ! " An interesting point, but one which I could not get him to state 
very clearly, was the identity of " Wak " with the sky. He remarked quite spon- 
taneously that the bird was black and white because " Mwenyiezi Muungu " (the 
expression he always used in Swahili as an equivalent to " Wak ") is partly white 
and partly black. When I tried to get this statement explained, he pointed to the 
sky and said, " Mwmyiezi Muungu ni mweusi halisi " "is black truly" (or " entirely "). 
I thought he must be referring to the stormy sky, but do not now feel sure of this 
as eusi is frequently used to mean blue, and further questioning left it somewhat 
doubtful which he meant. 

The other story accounts for the fact that lions, leopards, and hyenas hunt at 
night. Originally it was always day, but " Wak " called men and all the animals 
together and explained to them that he was about to make a time for sleeping, and 
commanded them all to cover their faces with their hands (the usual anthropomor- 
phism of their primitive tales) while he did so. All obeyed ; 'but the lion, leopard, 
and hyena peeped between their fingers and saw night being created. It is not 
stated what they saw, but the result is that they can see in the dark, while men 
and other creatures are unable to do so and put the night to its legitimate use. 


Australia : T9temism. Durkheim. 

Les Formes EUmentaires de la Vie Religieuse : Le Systeme Totemique en C 1 
Australia. Par Emile Durkheim. Paris: Felix Alcan, 1912. Pp. 647. UT 

Some fourteen or fifteen years ago M. Durkheim, then Professor at the University 
of Bordeaux, commenced the publication of L 1 Annee Sociologique in collaboration 
with members of the sociological school which had arisen under his inspiration ; but 
hitherto in the department of anthropological study dedicated to religion, though single 
monographs of great value had appeared, no general synthesis had been attempted of 
principles and of the results to which they lead. M. Durkheim himself was obviously 
the proper authority to undertake this work, without which the sociological school 

[ 91 ] 

No. 54.] MAJSL [1913. 

could not hope to exercise any permanent influence on the direction of anthropological 
study. In this brilliant volume recently issued, not merely has he produced an example 
of the sociological method of investigation of savage phenomena, but he has formulated 
a philosophy. Whether the method and the philosophy will ultimately be accepted 
by anthropologists remains to be seen ; but there can be no difference of opinion on 
the importance of the volume. It opens a new chapter in the discussion of the origin 
of religion, and must for many a day be the starting point of controversy. 

A religion, according to M. Durkheim, is a system of beliefs and practices 
inseparably bound up together (solidaire) relative to sacred that is to say, separated, 
forbidden things, beliefs and practices Avhich unite into one moral community, called 
a Church, all those who adhere to them. The idea of Religion is thus inseparable 
from the idea of Church, for Religion is eminently and essentially a collective affair. 
It is distinguished from magic, which makes use of similar machinery, even including 
a cult, because magic is not collective but individualist in its aims and practices : 
there is no magical Church. A cult is a system of rites, solemn seasons (Jetes), and 
ceremonies, all presenting one invariable characteristic that they recur periodically. 
This definition, perhaps, hardly takes account of the fact that many rites are not 
periodical, but only performed on special occasions and at rare intervals ; still they are 
part of the system. 

Having thus defined a religion, the author proceeds to the examination of previous 
theories. He has turned an awkward corner by limiting magic to an individualist 
application of religious conceptions and practice. It enables him to dispose without 
difficulty of the theories of Professor Frazer and Dr. Preuss ; for the practices which 
they call magical, though found in all religions from the highest to the lowest, are 
performed for the general good. The refutation of animism as the source of Religion 
is the next step. He shows that in Australian society, the lowest hitherto investi- 
gated, there is no cult of the dead. This has always been the crux of Spencer's 
Euhemerism. But the theory of animism does not stand or fall with Spencer's hypo- 
thesis. It is necessary therefore to attack Sir Edward Tylor's famous chapters. He 
repudiates the origin of the belief in the soul or " double " from the phenomena of 
dreams and other hallucinations, or of syncope, apoplexy, catalepsy, ecstasy, and other 
cases of temporary insensibility. The idea of the soul, having been once formed, 
may have been applied to these phenomena; but that is a very different matter. As 
to dreams, he thinks it probable that the savage always draws a distinction between 
various kinds of dreams and does not interpret them all in the same way ; and he 
shows that this is actually the case with the Melanesians, as described by Codrington, 
and the Dieri, as described by Howitt. Even admitting this, I doubt whether he 
gives enough weight to the vividness of many savage dreams arising from the con- 
dition of repletion, or of hunger, in which the savage, who is dependent on the 
uncertain products of the chase, so often finds himself, or from the sense of constant 
danger from foes, human or brute, that surround him. Moreover, he seems to think 
that on the animistic theory the interpretation of dreams as the adventures of the 
soul is due to speculation on his dreams, whereas the savage is not speculative, but 
practical. The savage, however, does not necessarily speculate on his dreams ; he 
believes that he has actually seen the objects and undergone the adventures presented 
to him in dreams. The Arawak headman who awakened Sir Everard im Thurn in the 
middle of the night to insist, " George speak me very bad, boss ; you cut his bits," 
had been dreaming of insolence by one of his underlings, and was fully convinced 
that the unpleasant interview had really taken place and that he had a substantial 
grievance for his master to redress. Moreover, M. Durkheim passes lightly over the 
sense of mystery and bewilderment imposed by death. The savage is not a philo- 
sophical materialist who holds that there is nothing after death, and it may very well 

[ 92 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 54. 

puzzle him to find that his fellow, especially if a bold and trusted leader, is suddenly 
no more than a senseless and speedily decaying clod. The event would be apt to 
arouse all his terror and a train of the liveliest emotions, such as the author else- 
where well points out are intensified to an extravagant degree by being shared with 
the other members of his band. The very atmosphere would be created in which 
speculation would be generated, and disbelief that all was over with him who was 
lately so full of life and energy and the stores of manifold experience. And the 
speculation and disbelief would be greatly stimulated if in his dreams he saw the 
dead man living, heard his voice, and talked with him. 

M. Durkheim, however, will have none of this. Nor will he allow that anthropo- 
morphism is primitive. Man did not, he says, project his image upon the external 
world ; for if so the earliest sacred beings would have borne his likeness. Put, in 
fact, the sacred beings of the lowest society known to us are conceived in '.n animal 
or vegetable form. What man did was to confound the kingdoms of nature not by 
any means the same thing. It is only long experience, fortified by sc ; <mtific culture, 
that has taught us the barriers between them. But surely if, as thr author says, the 
rocks in primitive thought have a sex and are capable of reproducing their species ; 
if the sun, moon, and stars are men or women who experience and express human 
sentiments, while, on the other hand, men are conceived *s plants or animals ; this 
means that consciousness and personality were attribute' 1 to them all, no matter under 
what form they appeared. This indistinctiou, wln v i he admits to be at the base of 
all mythologies, is hard to differentiate fro- what is by other thinkers called 

His final argument against aninr ^ is that, if i4 be true, religious beliefs are an 
hallucination without any objective icundation ; a sort of constitutional aberration has 
caused man to take his dreams or perceptions, death for a prolonged sleep, and rude, 
shapeless bodies for living am 1 thinking beings. In that case there could be no science 
of religion- for there won' De no reality behind the hallucination, and what sort of 
a science can it be the r>" nc ip a l discovery of which would dispel the very object of 
which it treats ? Bu' ~ ven if we admit, for the sake of argument, that religious beliefs 
are an hallucination * n( ^ that there is no object behind them (on which here I express 
no opinion") the h' Auc i na tions themselves are at least an objective fact, and the aim 
of science is to tU ^y these hallucinations as such, and to trace their conditions and 
evolution with^* 1 Concerning itself what philosophical basis they may have. They are 
products of J ' e men tal constitution of humanity. If we listen to some philosophers, 
matter its^ * s no more than this. Yet scientific students have investigated its 
constitut 1 ' J anc ^ evolution, and have achieved most valuable results, serenely ignoring 
the pb'' s pl iers ' Nor is it beside the question to observe that, as we shall see, 
-jyj p.rkheim's own solution of the problem makes the soul and spiritual existences 
as , ireal in other words, as much hallucinations as does the animistic theory which 

We need not linger over his refutation of the sun-myth, or naturalistic theory, 
he calls it. It is slaying again the already slain, though the theory yet maintains 
A Jghostly existence in certain quarters. We will come to the exposition of totemism, 
ie main subject of his book. As here expounded, it is not a system of magic, it 
\i not zoolatry, it is not derived from ancestor- worship, nor a case of nature-worship, 
>r a contrivance to put the soul in safety ; it is not to be explained as the con- 
jquence of the mere adoption of a name by a group. It is a genuine religion, the 
lost elementary hitherto discovered ; and it is bound up with the most elementary 
form of social organisation. For religion is not simply a social phenomenon, it is 
/society seeking to realise itself. Society cannot exist apart from religion, and men 
fare not men apart from society. The objective, universal and eternal cause of the 

[ 93 ] 

No. 54.] MAN. [1913. 

sensations which go to make up religious experience is society. This it is that 
develops the moral forces and awakens the feeling of support, safeguard and tutelary 
dependence which attaches the faithful to his cult. It raises him above himself ; it 
makes him. For what makes man man is the totality of intellectual gains which 
constitute civilisation, and civilisation is the work of society. In totemism we see 
the beginning of the process, or at least the earliest form with which we are 
acquainted. Although the author hedges by declaring that the question whether 
totemism was once more or less widely distributed is of secondary importance, the 
argument seems to assume that it must have been universal. The totem is the 
emblem of the clan, that by which it recognised its unity, itself. This accounts for 
the ' fact that the representation of the totem on churinga, nurtunja, waninga, and 
elsewiiNe, is even more sacred than the totemic species. But alike the totemic species, 
the representation of the totem, all things associated in the categories with the totem, 
and the very members of the clan themselves are sacred, though not in the same 
measure. They are all filled with supernatural force, physical and moral, with wakan, 
orenda, mana, or Vhatever it may be called. This force is impersonal. It permeates 
all things. It is atr the root of all religions and magic. It is analogous to the 
scientific concept of foi^e. It is of religious origin, and was indeed borrowed from 
religion, first by philosophy, and then by science. Every society exercises power over 
its members physical and above all moral power. It keeps them in a sensation of 
perpetual dependence. It is distinct from the individuals who constitute it, and 
consequently its interests are distinct from theirs. But as it cannot attain its end 
save by means of the individual, it makes an imperious claim to his assistance, 
exacting it even to the sacrifice of his inclinations and interests. Thus at every 
moment we are obliged to submit to rules of conduct and of thought which we have 
neither made nor wished to make, and which may even be contrary to our most 
fundamental instincts. The result is to impress on each individual member the idea 
that the force thus exercised is external to him. 

But in order to make its influence felt society must be " in act " ; and it is only in 
act if the individuals are assembled and act in common. So only it becomes conscious 
of itself. Australian society passes alternately from the ordinary individual, economic 
phase to the social phase, and back again. The former is dull and more or less 
monotonous ; the latter causes excitement and vehement exaltation, translated into 
the wildest and most extravagant actions. The religious activity is confined to these 
occasions. Since they are centred round the totem, the totem arouses religious forces 
which dominate and exalt the individual, and which are figured (for we can only 
represent an abstract and complex idea under a simple concrete form) as an animal 
or plant, or whatever other object it may be that gives its name to the clan and 
serves as its emblem. The totem is then nothing else than the clan under a material 
and emblematic form. The soul is the totemic principle incarnated and individualised 
in each member of the clan. The idea of the soul cannot be understood excep* ] by 
relation to the idea of force, of mana, which has its genesis in the impersonal a- r'n 
of society on the individual. Dreams may have contributed certain secondary cha- s r 
teristics, but they are not the source of the idea of the soul. The exclusively indi 
and indivisible idea of the soul is late, and the result of philosophical reflectic 

The origin of religion, therefore, is not in fear, nor is it caused by the sen; 
awakened in us by the external world. Neither is it due to hallucination. It is 
an error for the Australian blackfellow to attribute to an external power in th 
of an animal or plant the exaltation, the increase of vitality, he experiences 
engaged in the performance of the totemic rites. But the error merely extends 
symbol, not to the reality. The reality is the society, the clan, which reall\ 
thus inspire him. The function of the rites is in fact to strengthen the bonds 

[ 94 ] 

1913,] MAN. [No. 54, 

individual to the society. By this means religious excitement adds to the forces of 
life. Religious force is only the sentiment inspired by the collectivity in its members, 
projected from the consciousness and objectivated, it matters not on what. The object 
to be sure is nothing but a symbol. But a symbol is necessary to the consciousness 
of belonging to a certain society. It is not an artifice ; it is spontaneous. It must, 
however, be capable of being figured, and must be familiar. Animals particularly, but 
also plants (and animals and plants are the most usual totems) fulfil this condition. 
Probably the totem was suggested by the animal that haunted the centre frequented 
by the clan ; and in that event the spot became a totemic centre, such as we find in 
Central Australia. But the various clans of a tribe must have come to some under- 
standing with one another to secure variety of choice. It thus appears that the choice 
of a totem was not spontaneous, but a deliberate act. 

We may, perhaps, draw the inference that in M. Durkheim's view the origin 
of religion was in a conscious and deliberate act. There must, therefore, have been 
a period when religion did not exist. If so, society was still in an inchoate state ; it 
had not yet made an effort to realise itself. But then we are driven back upon the 
question, What caused it to make the effort ? What awoke the consciousness of 
the need of organisation ? It could not have been the pressure of hostile groups, 
because ex hyputhesi the adjacent groups were friendly : they came to an agreement 
as to the choice of totems. " The totemic organisation, such as we have just de- 
" scribed it, must manifestly have been the result of a sort of understanding between 
" all the members of a tribe without distinction. It is impossible that each clan 
" should have made for itself its beliefs in an absolutely independent manner. The 
" cults of the different totems must of necessity have been in some way adjusted 
" to one another, for they exactly complete one another " (p. 221). These words 
are emphatic. And although it would be hypercritical to press the meaning of the 
word tribe beyond a vague inclusive term for the surrounding and larger body of men, 
still the use of the word does after all suggest some sort of organisation. However 
rudimentary this organisation, or whatever form it took, it was pro lanto an attempt 
of the society to realise itself. But that is religion. What, then, was the religion 
that preceded the higher organisation we call totemism ? 

I have pointed out that the argument seems to assume the universality of 
totemism as the earliest form of religion. In addition to what has appeared in the 
course of the very imperfect analysis I have been able to give of M. Durkheim's 
theory, and of the reasoning that supports it, the explanation of the soul as the 
totemic principle incarnated and individualised in each member of the clan accounts 
for the conception of the soul under the form of an animal. This conception is 
common, not merely in totemic areas, but far outside them, even in Europe itself. 
If the cause assigned be correct it affords a presumption of the universality of 
totemism. But this is not all ; for from conceiving the soul under the form of an 
animal to the doctrine of transmigration is not a very long step. Thus the wide 
belief in metempsychosis is a new proof that the constituent elements of the idea of 
the soul have been chiefly borrowed from the animal kingdom in the manner supposed. 
In other words, totemism is at the base of it, and must, therefore, have been universal. 

The space already occupied precludes the possibility of discussing the author's 
very lucid and elaborate exposition of the totemic rites and beliefs. They are best 
known to us as practised and believed in Central Australia, because there they have 
been most thoroughly investigated. M. Durkheim is under no illusion as to the 
totemism of the Arunta being primitive in its present form. But he holds it to be 
a less developed form than that of the south-eastern tribes, where it has evolved 
High Gods, Daramulun and the rest, who are the personification of the initiation 
rites performed by the whole tribe collectively assembled, and are a symbol of the 

[ 93 ] 

Nos. 54-55.] MAN. [1913. 

unity of the tribe. Totems and gods alike, and indeed all other objects of a cult, 
are thus not hallucinations, but symbols. Inasmuch, however, as they are taken for 
objective realities, the distinction seems somewhat fine. The clan-totem, he holds, 
was the starting point ; the soul was derived from it ; and he argues very ably that 
the individual totem and the sex-totem were subsequent developments. His exposition 
is primarily concerned with Australian totemism ; but he vindicates the essential 
identity of American totemism, while pointing out its differences, and claims the right 
to illustrate his points from the North American tribes. To this extent his work 
may be considered an answer to recent objections to the very existence of totemism 
as a system, and is all the more effective because it is founded primarily on what is 
called in the scientific jargon of the objectors an "intensive" study of a single area. 

Nor can I follow him in detail through the philosophical argument with which 
he brings the exposition to a close. He finds in the collectivity much more than 
the source of religion. Without it even thought would be impossible. Logic is a 
product of social life. We could not form a concept apart from social life. Concepts 
express the manner in which society represents things. And inasmuch as man would 
not be man apart from social life, conceptual thought is coeval with humanity. 
Without it man Avould be on a level with the lower animals. The conflict between 
sense and reason, between morality and will, is not due to the Fall. It is due to the 
contention between the personal and the impersonal in every one. There is something 
impersonal in us, because there is something social ; and as social life includes both 
representations and practices, this impersonality naturally extends alike to ideas and 
to acts. A new path is thus opened to the Science of Man. It is no longer necessary 
to explain man's superior and specific faculties on the one hand by referring them to 
inferior forms of being, or on the other hand by ascribing them to a supra-experimental 
reality, postulated but never established by observation. When it is recognised that 
above man there is society, and that society is not a mere name, a creation of reason, 
but a system of active forces, a new manner of explaining man becomes possible. 

This sketch represents very feebly and imperfectly the contents of a book that 
is bound to leave a mark upon anthropological thought. We in England have perhaps 
hitherto made too little of the influence of society in the genesis of religion. We 
have attributed it too exclusively to the influence of external nature and the experiences 
of individual life upon what is assumed, rightly or wrongly, to be the constitution of 
the human mind. Whether the French sociological school, led by M. Durkheim, may 
not go to the opposite extreme, may not attach too little weight to this influence and 
these experiences, and in effect ignore the part actually played by the individual, is 
a question that the discussion inevitably awakened by a presentation so powerful of 
the claims of society to be the fountain of religion must decide. I should add, to avoid 
misapprehension, that the social, so far as they may be distinguished from the religious, 
institutions of the Australian blackfellow, have been left over to form the subject 
of another study. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 


AT the ordinary meeting of the Institute held on Tuesday April 22nd 1913, CC 
Mr. T. A. Joyce, who retired from the honorary secretaryship of the Institute UU 
at the last general meeting, was presented by the President on behalf of past and 
present officers and members of the Council with an illuminated address and a 
cheque. Only those who have sat at the Council Board of the Institute can have 
any idea of the patient and devoted labour which Mr. Joyce gave for so many 
years and so unstintedly to the Institute, which owes much more than words, 
however eloquent and complimentary, can convey, to his indomitable energy, his tact, 
and above all his unfailing good humour. 
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 



MAX, 1913. 


1913.] MAN. [No. 56. 

Obituary : Lord Avebury. With Plate G. Read. 

Lord Avebury, P.C., D.C.L., L.L.D., F.R.S. Born April 3O, 1834; CO 
Died, May 28, 1913. By SVr C. Hercules Read. UU 

One of the commonest phrases in the obituary notices of distinguished men is 
that the gaps caused by their death will be hard to fill. No doubt this is often 
true of many of our public characters, and the man spoken of is generally accepted 
as the exponent or the apostle of a particular national service. He has performed 
it with such fulness and adequacy that it seems impossible for any other mind ever 
to succeed in holding all the threads which had been so deftly managed in the past. 

When one has to deal with the character and achievements of a man like Lord 
Avebury, none of the ordinary phrases entirely meet the conditions presented by such 
a career. His peers in the scientific world as a rule differ widely from him in the 
circumstances of their life. Those who, like him, began life in the most favourable 
surroundings, had the unquestionable advantage of a thorough training at school and 
university ; others whose distinction has been gained in despite of such preliminary 
advantages, have at least been able or obliged to devote all their energies, mental 
and bodily, to the one pursuit that they have mapped out on their life's work. 
Neither one nor the other of the positions will fit Lord Avebury's life. A few years 
at Eton sums up all the tuition, as distinct from education, that fortune allowed him, 
and at the age of fifteen he entered his father's bank. At that time, sixty odd 
years ago, it is not likely that his days spent in learning the business of finance 
were otherwise than filled with the endless routine that would be the lot of a junior 
in such a firm. Hardly any pursuit would seem more entirely unpromising for the 
production of the prophet of science for the people, and yet in such an uncongenial 
environment young Lubbock worked at his natural history, and eventually, while yet 
in the prime of life, his name was probably more widely known than that of any of 
his contemporaries as suggesting a combination of the man of science and the man 
of business. 

Lombard Street, however, is not the place in which biology can be readily 
studied, and the problems of animal and plant life that Lubbock dealt with had 
their inspiration in a very different atmosphere. His good fortune on the side of 
science was summed up in one fact that within a stone's throw of his father's 
house at Orpington lived Charles Darwin, a circumstance of inestimable value to 
Lubbock. Not only was the restless and acute brain of Darwin persistently devoted 
to the endless problems that nature presents to such a mind, but the house at Down 
w?\s a Mecca for the whole world of science, and the opportunities of hearing the 
most acute intellects of the day engaged in friendly conflict over the mysteries of 
the universe provided for the younger man at once a mental forcing house and a 
wealth of suggestion that could not fail to produce ample results. This was in 
reality Lord Avebury's education an education of a kind that, given a sympathetic 
base, could not be matched in any school or university anywhere. The use that 
he made of it is known to the world. Geology, botany, the lives of insects, the 
problem of early or primitive man, all in turn held his mind and occupied his pen, 
and his treatment of these subjects in a style that suited itself to popular con- 
sumption has deservedly rendered his name a household word among English- 
speaking peoples and beyond. 

Such an achievement for a man engaged in an important and absorbing business 
career might seem to be enough for one life. It was not so with Lord Avebury. 
His sympathies were widely engaged in social and economic problems with fully as 
much devotion. The holidays of the people, the bettering of the condition of shop 
assistants, the conservation of our ancient monuments, the preservation of our open 

[ 97 ] 

Nos. 56-57.] MAN. [1913. 

spaces, all of these and many other subsidiary interests in turn held his attention 
and occupied the energies of his leisure. Concurrently with these engagements, and 
perhaps because of them, he was Chairman of the London County Council for two 
years, an office absorbing enough for an otherwise free man. 

In our own special field Lord Avebury was President of the Ethnological Society 
and a Foundation Fellow of the Anthropological Institute, occupying the chair from 
1871-73. His two principal works are his Prehistoric Times and The Origin of 
Civilisation. The first of these was admirable at the time of its publication, but 
the later editions suffered somewhat from a need of remodelling to bring them up 
to the demands of the day. 

As an old friend of Lord Avebury for I had known him since 1874 I shall 
long mourn his loss. The most urbane and amiable of men, he was ever ready to 
discuss any difficulty that presented itself in the many affairs of a public or semi- 
public character in which we were both interested. His decision was invariably on 
the side of a soft answer, if that could by any means meet the case ; but on certain 
subjects, where he felt strongly, he could be as unyielding as any man. As a public 
character he may be summed up in the one word, useful : with the qualities of industry 
and receptivity very strongly developed. It was these two which made him the 
man he was. A strain of sentiment there undoubtedly was also, and it appears in 
the fact that he chose as his title the name of the most ancient of British monuments, 
which changed the familiar Sir John Lubbock into Baron Avebury. C. H. READ. 

Maori Religion. Best. 

The Cult of lo, the Concept of a Supreme Deity as evolved t>y 
the Ancestors of the Polynesians. By Elsdon Beat. 

In his interesting work, entitled The Making of Religion, the late Andrew Lang 
has two suggestive chapters, entitled " The High Gods of Low Races " and " More 
Savage Supreme Beings." After a perusal of these chapters the reader is left with 
the impression that the purport of the writer was to bring forward evidence in favour 
of a theory that truly primitive religions were not necessarily polytheistic, that the 
original cultus of a so-called inferior race may have been of a monotheistic nature, 
to deteriorate, in after times, into polytheism by means of the introduction of minor 
gods and demons, or malevolent spirits. 

This seems to have been breaking out a new trail of thought for the student 
of primitive religions and the origin of existing systems of belief, but we are not 
aware that any other writer has since written in favour of the above-mentioned theory. 
For that theory we hold no brief, for or against ; it is for others the others who 
dwell in the "world of light" to pursue such studies and give us the result theoreof. 
Remains for us, the dwellers in the dark places of the earth, to collect what original 
matter we may from neolithic man and place the same on record. 

Many writers have touched on the theme of Maori religion, and almost all such 
writers have remarked that the gods of the Maori were truly malevolent beings, 
beings to be feared and placated, to whom no true invocations were recited, but 
merely crude charms or incantations. Also that the Maori had no conception of a 
Supreme Being, creative or otherwise, that the Maori pantheon was represented by 
a horde of inferior gods or demons and a few so-called superior gods or tutelary 

It is now many years since we first gained a dim knowledge that the Maori 
believed in the existence of a Supreme Being, and throughout those long years have 
we diligently sought "more light" on the subject. Some information gained from 
an old tattooed survivor of the neolithic era some ten years ago put us on the right 
track, and since that time we have obtained much more light from a remarkably 

[ 98 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No, 57. 

intelligent and intellectual native, now seventy-three years of age, who was taught 
the old-time beliefs of his people during 'his youth. The knowledge was imparted 
by two of the last survivors of the Maori priesthood, men who had been trained and 
taught in neolithic times under the singular tapu system that obtained in Maoridom, 
men who jealously conserved that knowledge and kept aloof from European missionaries 
when they reached these parts. 

The information so gained we now offer in the following pages, as evidence 
that an " inferior race," a " savage " people, was quite capable of evolving the 
concept of a Supreme Being, a creative and eternal god, a Deity that did not punish 
the souls of men after the death of the body. A perusal of these notes will show 
any unbiassed readers (not a numerous body, we opine) that the Supreme Being of 
the Maori occupied a much higher plane than that of certain old-time Semites. 


The cult of Io was the highest form of Maori religious belief, the purest 
concept of a neolithic race that has, for many centuries, dwelt in far scattered isles 
of the Pacific Ocean. It was evidently brought from the original home of the race, 
wherever that may have been, India or elsewhere, and has been carefully and 
jealously conserved throughout the changing centuries by the higher class of Maori 
priesthood. For it was only members of the superior order of priests who were 
taught the highly curious beliefs and mystical concepts that composed the cult of 
Io, only they who could utter his name, repeat the thrice sacred invocations to him, 
or perform the rites to which such invocations pertained. Priests of lower grades 
were riot allowed to participate in such ceremonies, while the shaman class knew 
practically nothing of these higher matters. 

The name of Io was deemed so sacred that it was never uttered, even by the 
high-class priests, except when absolutely necessary, as in the reciting, or rather 
chanting, of invocations to that Deity. Again, the name was usually repeated only at 
some secluded spot, as in the forest, where nothing raised by the hand of man, as a 
house roof, came between the repeater and the vault of heaven. Probably the only 
occasion on which the name was repeated within a building was when an invocation 
to Io was uttered within the thrice sacred Whare Wananga, or school of learning, in 
which the sacred traditionary and religious lore was taught to a select few of the 
young men of the tribe. At all other times Io was alluded to as " The Beyond," or 
"The High One," or some such term. 

With the exception of the invocations pertaining to the house of learning, the 
invocations to Io were recited not at the ordinary Tuahu or sacred place, but at some 
river, pond, or other sheet of water. In these cases the priest who uttered the invo- 
cation entered the water in a state of nudity, and took his stand at the spot where 
the water was breast deep ; also, prior to commencing the recitation, he would stoop 
down and immerse the upper part of his body in the water. These precautions were 
taken for the purpose of preventing any contaminating or polluting influences affecting 
the proceedings. 

The invocations to Io pertained to important matters only, such as the sacred 
school above mentioned, calamities affecting the whole tribe, and the highly curious rite 
performed over the newly-born children of the upper classes. .No invocations were 
made to Io concerning any minor or trivial affairs, nor yet in connection with anything 
evil, such as war. 

It may also be mentioned that the higher class of the priesthood, as those who 
upheld the Cult of Io, never designed to learn or practise the arts of Black Magic, 
or any other shamanistic arts ; such things were practised by a much lower order of 
Tohunga or priest, and were not allowed to be taught in the higher school of learning. 

[ 99 ] 

No. 57.] MAN. [1913. 

lu many cases such inferior matters were taught in the vicinity of the village latrine, 
or, haply, in some remote spot. 

Names and Attributes of lo. Many different titles were applied to lo by the 
Maori, and it is explained that such titles were explanatory of the attributes of the 
Supreme Being. We give below a list of these titles, with translations : 

Jo-xui. This name signifies his greatness. lo the Great, or Mighty lo. 
IO-ROA. This title signifies his eternal nature. 
IO-TE-WANANGA. This signifies that lo is the source of all sacred or occult 

IO-MATUA. This signifies that lo is the parent or origin of all things (albeit he 

begat no being). 
IO-TAKETAKE. This signifies that lo is the truly permanent, unchangeable, eternal 

Deity, that all his acts are permanent. 
TO-TE-WAIOKA. This implies that To is the life or vital spirit of all things. His are 

the essentials of life ; life emanates from him. 
TO-MATA-NGARO. Implies that he cannot be looked upon ; he is lo of the Hidden 

IO-TE-KORE-TE-WHIWHIA. lo prevents man attaining all his desires ; he is lo the 


IO-TIKITIKI-O-RANGI. He is the supreme one of all the heavens. 
IO-MATAAHO. lo can be seen only as one sees the radiations of light ; none can 

actually see him. 

IO-MATUA-TE-KORE. lo the Parentless. 
IO-MATAKANA. lo the Vigilant ; implies that not all could gain his ear, not all 

invocations to him were heeded. 

Apparently there were other terms or titles applied to lo, but the above will 
give the reader a fair idea of the concept of the Supreme Being evolved by the 
ancestors of the Maori in times long passed away. 

According to Maori myth or Maori religion, for the two things are inseparable, 
as they are in most other cults, there are twelve heavens, or twelve different realms 
in the heavens, each of which has its own specific name. In the uppermost of these 
twelve heavens, known as Tikitiki-o-rangi, dwells lo, the Supreme Being, and in that 
realm also abide his attendants. These attendants compose two parties of super- 
natural beings, gods in themselves, one of which is composed of male beings, and the 
other of female beings, all of whom are intensely tapu, and have the power to 
enter all the other heavens, as also the privilege of visiting the earth and the spirit 
world below the earth. Each of the other heavens also has its two companies of 
supernatural denizens, one male, the other female, and each company has its own 
special name, the general term for all being Apa. Thus the male beings of the 
uppermost heaven comprise the Apa whatukura, while the female denizens are known 
as the Apa marei-kura. 

The uppermost realm of the heavens is sacred to lo and the two companies 
above named, and no being of the other eleven heavens may enter therein, though 
the latter may abide or wander throughout all divisions of their own realms, may 
visit the earth below, as also the spirit world, where abide the souls of the dead. 
We will not \veary readers with lists of the names of the twelve heavens and the 
twenty-four companies of supernatural denizens thereof. 

It was explained by the priests of the cult of lo that that exalted being had no 
connection with evil and could not be invoked in connection with evil matters, but 
only regarding such items as were concerned with the welfare physical, intellectual, 
and spiritual of the people. The only occasion on which lo may be said to have 

[ 100 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 57, 

been concerned with evil was when, after the quarrels arose among the offspring of 
the primal parents, the Sky Father and the Earth Mother, Tane obtained from Jo the 
three receptacles or divisions of occult knowledge, including that pertaining to the 
art of war. The explanation given of this by the priests was, that as the numerous 
offspring of the above twain had rebelled against their parents and forced them apart, 
afterwards dividing themselves into two hostile companies, under Tane and Whiro, 
it \vas necessary to endow man with the knowledge of the art of war, that is that 
evil (force) must fight evil ; rebellion and quarrelling could only be put down by 
force. Evil forces had entered the world, and evil must contend against them. 

The dwelling of lo is at Rangiatea, situated in that realm of the uppermost 
heaven known as the Rauroha. In addition to the attendants already mentioned, a 
being named Ruatau was a sort of special attendant of lo, and his duties were to 
convey the commands of lo to all realms, and to carry out other special services. 
For instance, on one occasion, lo remarked to Ruatau, " I hear a murmuring from 
" below. Go thou and ascertain the cause thereof," whereupon Ruatau descended to 
the earth, and found that the offspring of the heavens and earth were filled with 
thoughts of rebellion against their parents. When lo heard of this, his word was 
" Evil will surely result." 

The poutiriao were supernatural beings appointed by lo as preservers of the 
welfare of all things, as guardians of each heaven, of each world, of each realm, of 
each division of nature, to each of which one such guardian was appointed. Thus 
there was a special guardian for each class of animal life, one for fish, one for 
birds, &c., as also for plant life. By means of these guardians was order preserved 
throughout the departments of nature, and throughout the universe. Were it not for 
these beings, order could not have been maintained. The realms and overlordship 
of these guardians were periodically examined or inspected by the two companies 
of beings, male and female, who inhabited the uppermost of the heavens, the 
realm of lo. 

In addition to the above, Te Whatahoro, one of the last men taught the sacred 
traditions of the Takitumu tribes, states that at the dwelling place of lo, and situated 
immediately in front of him, was a large stone that showed, in some manner, all that 
was occurring in all the different realms or worlds. Thus if a member of the marei 
kura returned to report to lo that certain things were occurring in, say the realm 
of Kiwa (the ocean) then the Deity, by looking at the stone, could see, or know, all 
particulars of such events. 

In regard to lo, the teaching was to the effect that he had always existed, he 
still exists, and will continue so to do for all time. He was never born, as witness 
his title of lo, the parentless ; he had no wife, no offspring, he begat no being ; he 
still exists and shall not know death. He created the heavens and earth, and caused 
all worlds to come into existence ; it was he who caused the offspring of heaven and 
earth (Rangi and Papa) to be brought forth. All life originally emanated from lo. 
Man is not a descendant of lo, but from lo were obtained the spirit, the soul, the 
breath of life, that were implanted in Hine-ahu-one, the earth-formed maid, from 
whom man is truly descended. 

No form of punishment, or threat of such, ever emanated from lo. He con- 
demned none. In the cult of lo, as in those of lesser gods and of demons, nothing 
was ever taught regarding any system of punishment of the soul after the death of 
the body. The contest between good and evil is to be fought out in this world, and, 
on the death of the body, the spirits of all are conducted to the spirit world. In 
that realm no tortures or punishment await any spirit, and, in like manner, no form 
of reward comes to the souls of the good. 

" I think," quaintly remarked an old native to the writer, " that if your 

[ 101 ] 

No. 57.] MAN. [1913. 

" missionaries had sympathised with our people, and had patiently studied the cult 
" of lo, instead of despising and condemning our belief, that that cult would have 
" been incorporated with your Bible." 

The title of lo-te-kore-te-whiwhia, as applied to the Supreme Being, means that 
not all who invoked him were listened to. At first men invoked the help of lo in 
all matters, and, when it was found that many of such prayers were not heeded, 
they then evolved or instituted minor gods who would listen to them in regard to all 

All thiugs possess life in some form ; all things possess a wairua (spirit or soul), 
each after the manner of its kind ; even birds, fish, trees, stones, rivers, the ocean, 
&c. Hence, because all things possess life, all things know death, nothing endures 
for ever, each thing shall die at its own time. 

A few months ago I visited an elderly native, one deeply versed in the occult 
lore of his race, and we chanced to converse on the subject of the origin of life, 
and of spiritual life. I put this question to him : " Do the lower animals, trees, and 
" stones possess a wairua (spirit or soul) ? " The old man picked up a stone from 
the ground, and replied : " All things possess a wairua ; otherwise they could not 
" exist. Matter cannot exist without such a principle. This is undeniable. Were 
" this stone not possessed of a wairua, then it could not be seen by you ; it could 
" not exist, it would disintegrate and disappear." 

As the grey-haired old man ceased to speak, I looked up and saw spread before 
me a fair land, a land tamed and cultivated, teeming with the homesteads of an 
alien and intrusive people, my own folk, who discourse glibly of aeroplanes and race 
over the trails of neolithic man in flying motor cars. And yet I was talking to a 
man who had evolved these views ere Zenobia dwelt by the palm-lined city of the 
Orient, when Europe was held by savage tribes of bushmen, when strange pole stars 
wheeled across the northern heavens. Of what use for me, with the cramped mind 
of the twentieth century, to try to understand the mentality of this man. The road 
he treads is familiar to him, it was deserted by us fifty centuries ago ; the trail is 
faint and long overgrown with the weeds of forgetfulness. 

In studying the higher forms of Maori myth, you will note that everything came 
into being by the will of lo, albeit he begat no being. All things were generated 
by certain supernatural beings in the days when the world was young. Such was 
the chain of origin, first creation, then generation, the natural corollary of which is 
the very essence and kernal of the higher type of Maori religion, viz, that all things 
down to the humblest weed and fragment of clay originally emanated from lo, and 
contain, as it were, a portion of his spirit. There is but one step further to take : 
That fragment of clay is lo. 

The following words were spoken by an old teacher of the sacred School cf 
Learning when making his closing address to the pupils : " We have seen that all 
" things possess a soul, each after the manner of its kind. There is but one parent 
" of all things, one origin of all things, one god of all things, one lord of all things, 
" one spirit of all things, one soul of all things : Therefore, O sons, all things are 
" one : All things are one, and emanated from lo the Eternal." 

The expression toiora is applied to the spark of the divine in man, the portion 
of the wairua (spirit or soul) of the Deity that is in every man. It represents the 
spiritual and intellectual welfare of the genus homo; while his physical health or 
welfare is described by the common term ora. 

It is of interest to note that no image of lo was ever made by the Maori, and 
that he had no aria (visible form, or form of incarnation), both of which were 
common as in regard to the lesser gods. In like manner no offerings were made to 
lo, no material offerings of any nature ; he was viewed as being above such things. 

[ 102 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 57-58. 

Hence it was that the pure cult of lo was of too elevated a character for the 
common people, and hence the belief in numbers of lesser gods who could be 
placated by certain offerings, who had visible aria (such as a bird or lizard), and to 
whom were recited divers charms or incantations infinitely inferior to the finely 
worded invocations offered to the Supreme to. 

We refrain from carrying these crude notes any further lest weariness afflict the 
reader. We have sought to show that the ancestors of the Maori, in times long 
passed away evolved a highly curious cult upon a very high plane of thought, one 
strongly tinged with monotheistic ideas, and replete with extremely fine conceptions 
of the attributes of a supreme Deity. However much this cult may have been 
replaced among the people of a lower tone, there still remains the fact that the 
superior one was evolved, and that it was preserved through many centuries to our 
own time. If it be not admitted into the list of ethical religions, then assuredly it 
comes near to that definition, and we have' not by any means given all details 
concerning it. 

The knowledge of the Cult of lo was jealously preserved by its priests on the 
arrival of the English missionaries, and carefully withheld from the latter, but it was 
still quietly taught on the east coast of the North Island until the sixties of last 

The following is a portion of an invocation chanted to lo at the opening of 
the School of Occult Knowledge, as translated by Mr. S. Percy Smith: 
; ' Enter deeply, enter to the very origins, 
Into the very foundations of all knowledge, 
O, lo of the hidden face. 
Gather in, in the inner recesses of the ears, 

As also in the desire, and perseverance, of these thy offspring, thy sons. 
Descend on them thy memory, thy knowledge. 
Best within the heart, within the roots of origin. 
O, lo the Learned, 
O, lo the Determined. 
O, lo the Self Created." ELSDON BEST. 

Scotland : Archaeology. Paterson. 

Pygmy Flints in the Dee Valley. By H. M. Leslie Paterson. (Read CO 
bejore the British Association at Dundee, September, 1912.) UU 

Up to the year 1905 Scotland anyway, north of the Forth seemed destitute 
of pygmy flints. As the result, however, of the stimulus imparted by the Rev. R. 
A. Gatty, who many years ago discovered pygmy flints in England and so named 
them, we set to work, and have now linked up Deeside with other parts of the 

Immediately below, or east of the confluence of the Feugh with the Dee in the 
vicinity of Banchory, the strath of the latter river presents on its south side a fine 
series of well-defined terraces. The two youngest terraces here are low-banked. 
The newest, part of which is an island, is not yet beyond an abnormal flood, so 
we do not expect to find flints on it. The next in sequence is a few feet higher, 
and is well covered with good loam, indicating a considerable rest from flood troubles. 
There is no sign of a flint man's site on it, however, though one small rough arrow- 
head was found on its surface. From this we gather that the terrace was unsuitable 
as a site (probably because it was damp and marshy), but that ancient life existed 
with us when there was a considerable alluvial deposit at this level. 

Three-quarters of a mile from the meeting of the waters these lower terraces 

[ 103 J 

No. 58,] 



terminate their existence by sharply curving riverwards. At this point there had 
been a considerable burn in ancient times, which had severed the lines of terraces. 
Immediately across this cutting the bank of the Dee rises sharply to an approximate 
height of 20 ft. to 25 ft. and recommences a fresh set of three terraces at that 
elevation. The newest or last terrace is narrow, tapering almost to a point here, 
well sheltered, and overlaid with rich dark loam to the depth of 2 feet. If you dig 
down you find no flints in the upper foot of loam, while in the lower foot they are 
fairly common. Remember there is no native flint in the Dee Valley anywhere 
near, so the presence of flint chips in the soil must indicate a place where man 
lived and worked. 

In a mole-hill at the commencement of this terrace I found my first pygmy, 
solitary in type as it strangely happens, but perfectly fashioned, of which I arn 

extremely proud. 


The upper end 
of this terrace 
contains flints in 
quantity of the 
true pygmy type, 
also rough neo- 
iiths and a small 
ratio of rubbishy 
flakes. But just 
across the burn 
a rounded mound 
on the same ele- 
vation contains 
great quantities 
of flakes, but as 
yet has not fur- 
nished us with a 
made implement. 
The higher and 
older terraces, 
which are of a 
very shingly 
nature, the result 
of a slight slope 
towards the Dee, 
_ I contain quite on 
the surface num- 
berless chips, 
some rough 
knives and scra- 

pers, but a pygmy only on the rarest occasions. Across the river, on the north 
side of it, on a narrow terrace of the same height as No. 1 site, and in many other 
respects similar, genuine pygmies are found in conjunction with good neoliths and 
much rubbish. Here was found the best small core which I possess the core, in 
fact, which I sent to Mr. Gatty immediately after reading his article, which he 
suggested had had a pygmy tool struck from it, and which he thought an extremely 
hopeful sign of the presence of pygmies in our neigbourhood, a prophecy which 
came true. 

[ 104 ] 



FIG. 1. 



[No. 58. 

FIG. 2. 

It is worth noting at this stage that these flint sites just mentioned, as indeed 
all our most prolific areas, are small in extent and abut on good salmon pools. 

It is now necessary to go down stream for a full half-mile. Here again, at the 
south side, at the narrow end of a similar terrace, but in more open country, is found 
ample evidence of the flint man in the shape of cores, rude knives, scrapers, and 
flakes. It is not, however, until we reach the lower end of this terrace, fully 
another half-mile, that pygmy flints make their appearance. This portion of the 
terrace, which has no deep cutting, but is rather a deep-topped hump on the summit 
of a long, slow, double slope, is rich in flints of the rude 
order as also of the elaborate. One is always safe to find 
something of interest here after the plough or the harrow has 
been over it. In this site I found my smallest-shouldered 
pygmy of true Indian type, pygmies of various sorts, rough 
knives, duck-bill and thumb scrapers, combined knives and 
hollow scrapers, hollow scrapers, borers, one saw, and a few 
unclassified implements. It seems singular that with all this 
wealth of flint forms I did not come across an arrow-head 
here. All my research has only produced two small rough 
specimens. Is this a sufficient ratio to indicate their general 
use ? If not, what implements did these people use in place 
of the arrow-head ? 

We now ask ourselves the usual questions : Who made 
these tiny tools, and for what were they made ? I have no 
sound suggestion to offer as to their use. As to who made them ; the Bronze 
and Stone Age are well represented in this locality. Bronze Age tombs are not 
common, but plentiful evidence of the Bronze Age man, in the shape of pottery, 
was brought to light at the draining of the Loch of Leys, some two miles distant 
from us and the Dee. 

Several finely preserved stone circles also bring the mind sharply back to 
remote ages. Are any of them the work of the pygmy flint manufacturers ? Are 
they one and the same people whose tombs and temples are on the hillsides and 
whose camps are on the river terraces ? Are we to take it that the presence of 
pygmies and neoliths on the same site indicate a common civilisation and a common 
manufacture ? 

I take the view that the 10-foot terrace level, or thereabouts, marks, in our 
strath, the close of the flint man's existence. I find plentiful evidence of him above 
the 20-foot level. Taking 24 feet as the level of No. 1 site and discounting 10 
as a flood barrier, we are left with 14 feet of erosion to deal with. 

As soon as the flood was held back definitely, alluvia began to 

FIG 3 PYGMY deposit on this terrace in a certain ratio to the process of erosion. 
FLINT FOUND IN We find 2 feet of alluvia overlying a deep strata of river sand. 
1906 AT BIEK- That is equal to the 14 feet of erosion. Flints are plentiful 1 foot 
WOOD, BANCHORY below the surface. That is to say, prehistoric existence on this 

(TWICE NATURAL t measured and limited roughly, of course by 7 feet of 

m 7 "F i 

erosion. The upper foot of soil is barren of flints. That indicates 

the close of the flint man's era and the span of time that separates us. Here, at 
a level little above our highest flood tide, whether precipitately or as a dwindling 
race we are unable to estimate, he unbent his bow for the last time and laid aside 
the " fabricator " with which he fashioned these mysterious implements. 


[ 105 ] 

Nos, 59-60.] MAN. [1913. 

Philippine Islands : Physical Anthropology. Bean. 

The Racial Anatomy of the Philippine Islanders. By Robert Bennett CQ 
Bean. J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1910. UU 

Dr. Bean was for three years Professor of Anatomy in Manila, and contributed 
a series of papers on the physical anthropology of the native tribes to the Philippine 
Journal of Science. He divides the individuals with a cephalic index greater than 
87 into four groups : " The tall, wide-nosed, wide-headed people are called Adriatic 
44 because of their similarity to the people of that name designated by Deniker . 
i4 the small, wide-nosed, wide-headed [people] are called Primitive because their 
" physical characteristics are infantile, they resemble the Primitive types of other 
44 countries . . . the tall, narrow-nosed and wide-headed are designated B.B.B. 
" (the big-cerebellumed, box-headed Bavarian) because they resemble a European 
" type with similar characteristics ; the small, narrow-nosed and wide-headed are 
" called Alpine, because they resemble the inhabitants of Southern Germany, Switzer- 
" land, and Central France. . . . The Alpine and the B.B.B. are closely related 
" types, and so are the Primitive and Adriatic, stature being the only differential 
" factor. . . . The individuals with small stature, narrow heads, and narrow 
" noses are called Iberian. . . . The tall narrow-headed, narrow-nosed people 
" would be the Northern European (Nordic), but A 7 ery few are found in the 
" Philippines, and as those found resemble the Mediterranean race they are included 
" as Iberians. The tall, wide-nosed, narrow-headed individuals are called Cro- 
44 Magnon. . . . The small, wide-nosed, narrow-headed individuals are called Austia- 
44 loid." The " only difference " between the Cro-Magnon and the Australoid, 
and between the Nordic and the Iberian is stature. 

The ethnology of the Philippines is certainly complicated, but though Dr. Bean's 
observations are of value his classification does not appeal to the present writer. 
Dr. Bean introduces a new index, the omphalic index, which refers to the position 
of the umbilicus in relation to the pubis and the suprasternal notch ; he thinks it 
may prove valuable. He made a large number of observations on ears, the types 
of which are classed by him in the above-mentioned groups and others. The ear 
certainly requires more extensive study than has hitherto been accorded this organ, 
and whatever may be the fate of his classification, the data accumulated by Dr. 
Bean will be useful. In an Appendix a "Palaeolithic Man" (Homo Philippinensis) 
is described from a single individual ; this is believed to be the fundamental type 
of the Philippines and to be closely allied to the Australoid type, though the sagittal 
contour of the head is not at all typically Australian. "The sequence of events in 
44 the Philippines has been something like the following : The Negritos and Homo 
' 4 Philippinensis inhabited the islands when the Malays came, although Homo 
44 Philippinensis may have come with the Malays [!]. The earliest migrations 
44 into the archipelago brought the Hindus, largely of Iberian type. Later came 
44 the Neo-Malays, Avho were largely of the Primitive type. The Moros or 
44 Mohammedans, also of the Iberian type, came afterwards, and more recently the 
44 Spaniards (Iberians) settled." In the Preface the author says, 44 The book 
44 represents a new departure in anthropology and it is to be hoped that this contai- 
44 button from the New World will be received with due consideration as a striving 
44 after truth." A. C. HADDON. 

Mexico : Religion. Preuss. 

Die Nayarit Expedition, Vol. /, Die Religion der Cora Indianer. By fjfi 

Dr. K. Th. Preuss. OU 

This is the first of the volumes in which Dr. K. Th. Preuss will record the 

results of his expedition to the Sierra del Nayarit, in north-western Mexico, where he 

[ 106 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 60. 

spent nineteen months in unbroken intercourse with the wild and difficult peoples. 
The Cora live in the western part of that mountainous region, and were conquered 
by the Spaniards about 1700, when Padre Ortega wrote a history of the expedition, 
but since then they have been left to themselves and have preserved their religion 
and language. We now have from Dr. Preuss 300 pages of the texts of their sacred 
songs, myths, and tales, and a long vocabulary with references to the texts. 

As a scientific account of a courageous and remarkable achievement, the work 
deserves the highest praise. The author remained alone among the Cora for seven 
months, he gained the affection and confidence of the leading men, and was able to 
gather full and exact information respecting their beliefs and ceremonies. Doubtless 
he profited by the previous sojourn of Dr. C. Luinholtz among the neighbouring 
Huicholes (considered at the time, locally, a most hazardous experiment), and the 
Cora knew that a foreigner could be friendly and sympathetic. 

In December 1905 Dr. Preuss reached the Cora village, Jesus Maria, from Tepic, 
and began to learn the language from Francisco Molina, a man of sixty, who had 
served in the army and knew some Spanish. At the end of a month he moved on 
to S. Francisco, two hours away, and worked with the singers of sacred songs of 
both places, witnessing the festivals and experiencing the climatic influences which 
have moulded the ideas of the people. Under the cloudless skies and intense heat 
of May and June he learned " to see with the eyes of the Cora the shining moon- 
" goddess, the morning star (their faithful helper), and the host of divinities who 
" have their being in the stars, hills, and streams, and in the clouds of the rainy 
" season." Then came the swift change from the desert landscape of the long 
rainless season to an expanse of flowering greenery and growing crops, which would 
naturally be attributed to supernatural powers. The northern seasons of winter and 
summer have no counterpart here, and the days are really shorter when the sun is 
farthest north, owing to the clouds and afternoon rains. 

The mythic elements of Cora religion, the forces of Nature, and the myths 
relating to them gods, ceremonies, and festivals are treated in the preliminary 
chapters of this work, and illustrated by quotations from the songs. All this is most 
valuable to the student of religions, and the deep religious sense and poetical expres- 
sion natural to the Mexican Indian mind are well brought out in the comments on the 
texts. Fire among the Cora, as among the ancient Mexicans, is the foundation of 
all the heavenly fires, the sun as well as the stars. The moon-goddess has a 
more prominent place in the cult than the sun-divinity, who remains passive in the 
great council above (p. 1). She creates the rain-gods and the earth. The night - 
heaven is the chief factor^ in Cora religion. The morning star brought men 
ceremonies without which they would be helpless (p. Ixviii), and prayers and 
offerings are of the greatest importance. Words and thoughts are not produced by 
men themselves but are given by the divinities, chiefly by one of the three highest 
divinities, whilst prayers and myths come from the elders, the precursors of the gods ; 
just as the Mexicans considered each dead person a teotl, the Cora see their ancestors 
in the gods. 

In the song to the sun (quoted p. xcvi) are the lines : 

" Here are his actual words that he will give to us his children, 
With which we in him have life and have our being in the world. 

his words that he chose and here has left. 
Here left he his thoughts to his children." 

The acknowledged power of thoughts is shown principally in that, before every 
action, however insignificant it may be, the intention or inner thought and inspiration 
are always emphasized. 

The cicada, which begin to make themselves heard towards the end of the dry 

[ 107 ] 

Nos. 60-61.] MAN. [1913. 

season, are said to be born behind the gods, beyond the world. They are adorned 
by the gods (the blossom of fruit-trees is their raiment) and come down to man 
from heaven, bringing the rains. The humming-bird is the sun's messenger and 
fetches the rain-gods. A song for the seed-time dance (p. 61, text), describing the 
growing of the maize, is also a poetic rendering of the natural facts, unfortunately 
too long to be given here. 

The arrangement of the festival-ground and the designs on the interior of the 
sacred gourd-bowl represent the universe : 


Within a circle (1) which represents the 1. Border of the festival-ground, or the whole 

border of the entire world, there is a series of gourd-bowl, which represents the world, 
connected semi-circles (2), which .serve the gods 2. The dancers go between the edge of the 

as a wall. Radiating from the centre are four world and the wall of the gods, between the 
cross-arms (JJ), the four directions, the dwelling- singers and the altar. 

places of the gods. The seats of the twelve 3. The four directions of the festival-ground 

elders or first dwellers on earth (4) form a circle where the gods live and receive the homage of 
round the centre (5), the middle of the world, their children. 

where our father, the eun, lives. 4. The elders of the village, the chief, and 

the principal men. 

5. The fire, which represents the sun and 
indicates the middle of the festival-ground. 

Dr. Preuss points out the resemblance of the gourd-bowl design in its most 
elaborate form to the " Calendar-stone " of Mexico and other variations of the 
quauhxicalli. At the time of the conquest of the Cora country, in 1722, it was 
recorded that a stone vessel with a figure of the sun, on which it had been cus- 
tomary to make an offering of a child every month, was brought to Mexico from the 
sanctuary of the Mesa del Nayarit. Only flowers and unspun wool, representing the 
stars and clouds, are now offered by the Cora in the gourd-bowl. 

These few scraps from the feast provided in this most interesting volume may 
give some faint idea of the important detailed information on the habits of mind and 
spiritual ideas of a people who were considered savages. The deepest regret will 
be felt if the call to further enterprises should prevent the author from speedily 
bringing out his proposed second volume, Die Geisteivelt der Huichol-Indianer in 
Texten. A. C. BRETON. 

Polynesia : Mythology. Westervelt. 

Legends of Ma-ui, a Demi-God of Polynesia, and of his Mother flina. By OJ 
W. D. Westervelt. Honolulu : The Hawaiian Gazette Co., 1910. 

Mr. Westervelt has done good service in republishing in book form his magazine 
articles on (Maui), the Polynesian cosmic hero, the legends about whom " form one 
" of the strongest links in the mythological chain of evidence which binds the 
" scattered inhabitants of the Pacific into one nation." Maui legends though often 
in an incomplete state are found all over Polynesia and in parts of Melanesia and 
Micronesia, they are undoubtedly of remote antiquity and certainly can be traced to 
the prehistoric Polynesians, indeed several hints of Hindu influence have been detected 
in them. Maui is generally spoken of as the youngest of four brothers bearing the 
same name. There is much diversity of opinion as to his ancestry, though it is 
generally stated that his parents were supernatural beings. Although he lived a 
very human life he was possessed of supernatural powers in addition to an inventive 
mind and a very tricky and mischievous disposition. He was " the fisherman who 
" pulls up islands," and he improved fish-traps and rendered fish-hooks and fish-spears 
more efficacious by adding barbs. According to different Polynesian legends Maui 
raised the sky, which till then had not been separated from the earth, and thus made 

[ 108 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 61-62. 

the earth habitable for his fellow-men. He was also "the ensnarer of the sun," only 
permitting him to pursue his course on the condition that he went more slowly in 
order to increase the length of the day. Maui by aid of his cunning and magical 
powers gave fire to mankind, and some legends make him the fire-teacher as well as 
the fire-fiuder, as he taught men how to make fire by the friction of two sticks. In 
seeking immortality for man he lost his life. There is a native saying : "If Maui 
" had not died he could have restored to life all who had gone before him ; and 
" thus succeeded in destroying death." As Tylor remarks, "Maui's death by his 
" ancestress the Night fitly ends his solar career." " It is a little curious," Wester- 
velt points out, "that around the different homes of Maui there is so little record of 
" temples, and priests, and altars. He lived too far back for priestly customs. His 
" story is the most mythical survival of the days when- church and civil government 
" there was none, and worship of the gods was practically unknown." R. Taylor 
says . . . . " Though regarded [in New Zealand] as a god, he does not appear to 
" have been generally prayed to as one ; yet he was invoked for their kumara [sweet 
" potato] crop and success in fishing." If any hero deserved worship it was Maui, 
and yet even he does not appear to have achieved it. A. C. HADDON. 

Africa, West: Nigeria. Tremearne. 

The Tailed Head-hunters of Nigeria. By Major A. J. H. Tremearne. OO 
Seeley, Service & Co., Ltd. Pp. xvi + 342. Ut 

Major Tremearne is known to the reader as the author of a book on the West 
Sudan and on the Niger, and has acquired a considerable reputation by his collection 
of Haussa folk-lore. In this book with the misleading title he gives a popular 
account of his stay in Nigeria, an account which shows that the author is far from 
being in sympathy with the administration of the Colony. It is hoped that things 
are not quite as bad as they appear when seen through the eyes of Major Tremearne, 
and that punitive expeditions, executions, and deaths of prisoners of war are not 
considered of so little importance as would appear from these pages. It seems 
scarcely fair on the official or the native that one white man should be given power 
to prosecute and try, sentence and execute any native who according to his ideas is 
deserving of capital punishment. 

Who are the tailed head-hunters ? We are told that the Kagoro and the 
neighbouring tribes, of which two only are cannibals, organise head-hunting expedi- 
tions so as to obtain the greatest number of heads and skulls with which to ornament 
the bottle-shaped graves in their villages, in which they bury their dead ; no Kagoro 
youth is allowed to marrv before he has procured the head of an enemy. The tail 
referred to in the title is worn by the women of the same tribes (possibly as a relic 
of phallic worship) and is made of palm fibre, very tightly drawn together and bound 
with string. It is worn above the buttocks. Men alone hunt heads, women alone 
wear tails, consequently there are no tailed head-hunters at all. 

In the part dealing with religion, Major Tremearne finds it difficult to explain 
the native idea that the soul is connected with breath and shadow, and that it leaves 
the body of the sleeper ; for does the sleeper not breathe ? I suggest that the soul 
is independent from the wandering "shadowy self," corresponding to the Egyptian 
Ka, which occurs generally in the beliefs of West African negroes. 

The author gives interesting information concerning the tribes he has visited 
and constantly mentions analogies with peoples from such distant parts of the world 
as Borneo, Fiji, &c. He makes a spirited defence of the native customs, pointing 
out that if many of them seem strange to us the black man can justly laugh at 
many of the superstitions still openly practised by civilised peoples, such as touching 

109 ] 

Nos, 62-63.] MAN. [1913. 

wood, throwing salt over one's shoulder, &c. He advocates the preservation of native 
institutions, unless they be harmful or unjust. 

The book is well got up, but the photographs which illustrate it leave much to 
be desired. E. T. 


THE following correspondence has passed in connection with the scheme OQ 
for the establishment of an Oriental Research Institute in India : UU 

Royal Anthropological Institute, 

50, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. 
18th April 1913. 

MY LORD, The attention of the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
has been drawn to the statement in the Educational Supplement of The Times, under 
date of the 1st April 1913, to the effect that the exhaustive resolution which appeared 
in the Gazette of India on the 22nd February promises special attention to the 
subject of Oriental studies, especially a scheme which has been put forward for 
establishing an Oriental Research Institute. In this connection my Council have 
carefully considered the interesting and valuable reports of the Conference of Orien- 
talists held at Simla in July 1911, and of the Treasury Committee which was 
appointed in 1907 to consider and report on the organisation of Oriental studies in 

My Council desire to support strongly the proposals made by the Conference of 
Orientalists in 1911, for the establishment in India of an Oriental Research Institute, 
and to submit the following considerations in regard to some of the details of the 
scheme laid before the Government of India. 

In the first place, we have to represent that Anthropology not in the restricted 
sense of physical anthropology alone, but in the broader significance of the science 
of the evolution of human culture and social organisation should be an integral 
feature of the studies of the Oriental Research Institute. My Council desire to offer 
to the Government of India through your Lordship their best service and assistance 
in promoting this department of the work of the Oriental Research Institute, and to 
refer in passing to the importance of anthropological study from an administrative or 
political point of view, and to its bearings on the difficult and peculiar problems 
which confront the Government of India at every turn. To discover, to discuss, 
and to decide the nature and origin of the deep-seated differences of thought and 
mental perspective between Eastern and Western societies is a task of high import- 
ance and of great complexity, which seems possible of achievement only by the wide 
synthetic methods of modern anthropological science, by which the results won by 
workers in the domains of religion, archaeology, history, art, linguistics, and sociology 
are unified, classified, and co-ordinated. As the writings of men like Sir Herbert 
Risley, sometime President of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Sir Alfred Lyall, 
and Sir George Grierson, demonstrate beyond a doubt, a comprehensive examination 
of present-day Indian conditions reveals the working of social ideas and ideals which 
have their origin in a low level of culture. Among the people of India to-day are 
preserved beliefs, customs, and institutions which testify to the intimacy of the 
relations between the higher and the lower forms of culture, and to the special 
importance of India as a field for anthropological research. 

Upon scientific grounds, too, we urge that a wide view be taken of the scope 
of Oriental Research. Indian culture is not isolated from other cultures. India is a 
part, an important part, but still a part of a larger whole. The culture of India is 
marked by a complexity which is due to contact with alien cultures. Its peoples 

[ no ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 63. 

are of various origin. The affinities of Indian languages link them with families of 
speech extending far beyond the Indian Peninsula. While the intensive study of 
Indian problems is of great importance, their true value and their relations with 
other phases of culture, can be ascertained only by correlation with the results of 
general anthropological investigation. 

We do not seek to minimise or in any way to disparage the importance of 
studies in the great classical languages and literatures of India when we venture to 
emphasize the necessity for developing simultaneously the systematic study of 
modern Indian vernaculars, whether they are derived from classical archetypes or 
are related to other families of speech. We recognise gratefully that much has been 
done, much is being done in this direction, by Indian scholars, but there are still 
large gaps in our knowledge. 

Since the principal object of the proposed Oriental Institute is to offer facilities 
both to Indian and European students and scholars for research in the higher 
branches of Oriental Studies, we trust very earnestly that selected and duly qualified 
officers of the Indian Services, Civil and Military, will be encouraged, by means of 
special study leave, to conduct research at the Institute in India, and that in the 
same way facilities for research will be provided for both classes of students at the 
Institute which we hope will at no distant date be established in London. 

My Council observe that it is suggested that the Oriental Institute should be 
closely associated with the learned societies, the Universities, and with the Govern- 
ment of India. We urge that, to complete this important phase of the organisation 
of the intellectual resources of the Empire, the Oriental Research Institute should at 
the same time be brought into close relations with the learned societies and the 
Universities in England, and in particular with the Oriental Institute to be founded 
in London. We suggest, therefore, that it is advantageous to appoint an Advisory 
Committee composed of representatives of the India Office, of learned societies such 
as the Royal Asiatic Society, and the Royal Anthropological Institute, and of the 
Universities where Oriental studies are systematically prosecuted. It would be the 
duty of the Committee to promote the co-operation of learned societies with the two 
Oriental Institutes, to report and advise on material collected and published by the 
Indian Research Institute, to suggest lines and methods of enquiry, and to facilitate 
collaboration between students and investigators in India, and scholars in England. 

In conclusion, I am to express the earnest hope of my Council that your 
Lordship will be pleased to take such measures as may be found expedient in order 
to secure complete unity and harmony of action between the several bodies engaged 
in promoting Oriental research in this country and in India, and to convey their 
desire to render every assistance they can for this end. 

I am, my Lord, 
Your Lordship's obedient Servant, 

T. C. HODSOX, Hon. Sec. 

The Right Hon. the Secretary of State for India, 
India Office, Whitehall, S.W. 

India Office, Whitehall, London : S.W. 

29th May, 1913. 

SIR, I am directed by the Secretary of State for India in Council to acknow- 
ledge the receipt of your letter of the 18th April regarding the scheme for the 
establishment of an Oriental Research Institute in India. His Lordship is fully 

C in ] 

Nos. 63-64.] MAN. [1913. 

alive to the importance of anthropological research, and desires to thank the Council 
of the Royal Anthropological Institute for their offer of assistance, which he is 
conveying to the Government of India. But it would at present be premature to 
discuss the exact scope of the proposed Research Institute in India, as will be 
understood from the enclosed extract from the Resolution on Educational Policy 
published by the Government of India on the 21st February last. 

I am, Sir, 

Your obedient Servant, 

The Honorary Secretary, ED. MONTAGU. 

Royal Anthropological Institute, 

50, Great Russell Street, W.C. 


Oriental Studies. 

58. The Government of India attach great importance tc the cultivation and 
improvement of Oriental studies. There is increasing interest throughout India in 
her ancient civilisation, and it is necessary to investigate that civilisation with the 
help of the medium of Western methods of research, and in relation to modern ideas. 
A conference of distinguished Orientalists held at Simla in July 1911, recommended 
the establishment of a Central Research Institute on lines somewhat similar to those 
of L'Ecole Fran^ais d'Extreme Orient at Hanoi. The question was discussed whether 
research oould efficiently be carried on at the existing Universities ; and the opinion 
predominated that it would be difficult to create the appropriate atmosphere of 
Oriental study in those Universities as at present constituted, that it was desirable 
to have in one institution scholars working on different branches of the kindred 
subjects which comprise Orientalia, and that for reasons of economy it was preferable 
to start with one iustitute well-equipped, and possessing a first-class library. The 
Government of India are inclined to adopt this view, and to agree with the Conference 
that the Central Institute should not be isolated, that it should be open to students 
from all parts of India, and that it should, as far as possible, combine its activities 
with those of the Universities of India and different seats of learning. The object 
of the Institute, as apart from research, is to provide Indians highly trained in original 
work, who will enable schools of Indian history and archeology to be founded 
hereafter, prepare catalogues raisonnes of manuscripts, develop museums, and build 
up research in Universities and Colleges of the different provinces. Another object 
is to attract in the course of time pandits and maulvis of eminence to the Institute, 
and so to promote an interchange of the higher scholarship of both the old and the 
new school of Orientalists throughout India. But before formulating a definite scheme 
the Governor-General in Council desires to consult Local Governments. 


MR. J. EDGE-PAKTINGTON writes as follows : "In a 'Note on certain Obsolete 
" 'Utensils in England,' which appeared in MAN, 1913, 18, 1 illustrated in 
" Fig. 2, No. 17, a utensil the use of which I was ignorant. I have lately received 
" a letter from Mrs. Westley, in which she says that this particular utensil was 
" ' for roasting small game-birds, which were hung round on the various hooks, and 
" * the whole turned by the brass meat-jack (No. 13) ; a larger bird was hung, if 
' ' necessary, from the middle hook. I have seen this in use in my father's house 
" ' for many years.' " 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAK, 1913. 


















1913.] MAN. [No. 65. 


Peru: Religion. With. Plate H. Joyca. 

The Clan-Ancestor in Animal Form as depicted on Ancient PC 

Pottery of the Peruvian Coast. By T. A. Joyce, M.A. 00 

Remarkably little is known from literary sources concerning the manners and 
customs of the early inhabitants of the Peruvian coast. The archaeological remains 
from this district, however, far outnumber those from any other region of South 
America, and those relating to a period some centuries before the Inca conquest of 
the coast belong to a very high order of craftsmanship. This is particularly the case 
with the pottery, and the habit of delineating in moulded or painted form the men 
and women of the time with their dress and ornaments enables us to reconstruct to a 
certain extent the local ethnography. The most advanced pottery, to speak artistically, 
falls into two groups, associated respectively with the district of Truxillo and the 
valley of Nasca. The two schools show many similarities, and were, I believe, con- 
temporary, but striking differences exist. The Truxillo potter excelled in modelling, 
And his painting, though free and bold, was in monochrome. At Nasca moulded ware 
was rare, and the decoration, though less free and more conventionalised than at 
Truxillo, had developed in the direction of colour. The colours (in slip) are rich 
and varied, and include, besides black and white, red, pink, orange, yellow, buff, 
and grey. The tendency of the Nasca potter to conventionalise renders some of the 
designs difficult to understand, but the underlying connection with the Truxillo school 
enables us in some cases to fathom his meaning, as the following small point will 
show. In a series of thirty-four Nasca vases recently acquired by the British 
Museum, three illustrate the personage shown in Fig. 1. This figure requires a little 
explanation. The first tning that strikes the eye is a large face wearing a mouth- 
mask and a turban-like headdress furnished in front with a small face. Less obvious 
are two profile faces facing upwards, placed on either side at the level of the eyes. 
On each side of the main face is a pendant ear-ornament, terminating in a face.* To 
the left are seen the two hands of the personage depicted, grasping a club, while to 
the right stands the body, clad in a fringed tunic. The artist has exaggerated the 
dimensions of the face (as the most important feature) beyond all proportion, and has 
heen forced by limitations of space to adopt this peculiar arrangement of body and 
limbs. Across the top of the body, and extending to the right, is a kind of cloak 
with engrailed edges, which give it a " caterpillary " effect ; the cloak terminates 
in a head with projecting tongue and two hands. This cloak is also somewhat 
exaggerated, being, as i hope to show, an important feature, and I would, in this 
connection, call attention to the line of connected dots down the centre. The fact 
that this personage, with the same attributes, is shown with very little variation on. 
three out of a series of thirty-four vases, implies that he is at least a character of 
local importance. 

To turn now to the Truxillo district, one of the most frequent designs on the 
painted pots of that region is what I interpret as a ceremonial dance. In a collec- 
tion of 250 vases from tlie Chicama Valley, presented by Mr. Van den Bergh to 
the British Museum, more than thirty pots bear this design, which, in one of the 
finest specimens appears as Fig. 2. This figure shows plainly the headdress, con- 
sisting of the skin of a small cat-like animal, invariably worn by the dancers, as 
well as the peculiar bifid object which they are inevitably represented as carrying. 
In Fig. 2 this object looks like a pair of shears, but in most cases (as in Plate H) 
~t\\Q points bend over in the same or opposite directions, and suggest a plant with 
two shoots or leaves. In most cases the dancers wear animal masks and dresses, and 

* This tendency to multiply faces is typical of Nasca art, and constitutes an important link 
the mysterious monolith found at Chavin de Huantar, in the highlands far to the north. 

No. 65.] 





[No. 65. 

I have figured one such finely-executed scene in ray SoutJi American Archceology, 
Fig. 15, p. 155 ; but the most elaborate representation of this scene occurs on a 
vase, also one of the Van den Bergh collection, the design of which is shown 
on the accompanying Plate H. Owing to their conventional nature, the animals 
are not easy to identify. In row A, No. 1, and row C, No. 4, we have a bird with 
a loug bill, probably a humming-bird ; A, 2, and D, 2, are probably jaguars ; A, 3, 
may be a hawk ; A, 4, is certainly a deer (the peculiar tail, and the lolling tongue 
similar to that of the Mexican mazatl sign, enable us to identify it by comparison 
with other Peruvian vases); A, 5, may be a lizard ; B, 1, doubtful ; B, 2, a butter- 
fly ; B, 3, a snake ; B, 4, a scorpion ; B, 5, and D, 3, condors ; C, 1, a centipede ; 
C, 2, a wasp ; C, 3, a pelican (also by comparison with other pots) ; D, 1, a wild 
cat ; and D, 4, a fox. 

It is to the first figure in row C, the centipede, that I would call attention, as 
affording an interpretation of the figure on the Nasca vase. Apart from the fact 
that the body of the animal is arranged in the same position relative to the human 
figure, we have the realistic legs of the Truxillo representation paralleled by the 
" caterpillary " projections of the Nasca picture, the nippers and head in the former 
by the face and hands of the latter, the circles marking the body-segments in the 
former by the row of connected dots in the latter. I would suggest, therefore, that 
the Nasca vase represents a human figure in centipede dress. 

Before considering the meaning of the costume, I should like to trace shortly 
the centipede motive in Nasca art ; tbe illustrations which follow are taken from 


the small series of thirty-four vases mentioned above, a fact which emphasizes the 
importance of this animal in the Nasca valley. Fig. 3 shows the centipede alone, 
utilised as a single band round a beaker-shaped vase. Fig. 4 gives the body of the 
animal forming an endless ornamental band in conjunction with human faces ; in this 
representation the legs have been elaborated, but the row of connected dots down 
the centre of the body persists. In Fig. 5, again we have the body as an endless 
band, in connection with the figures of mice ; here it is so conventionalised as to 
render recognition difficult when taken by itself, but in connection with the former 
figures I think its identity is beyond doubt. 

As I have said above, we know practically nothing of the customs and beliefs 
of the coast peoples, but it is fair to argue by analogy from what we know of the 
inlanders, for this reason. It is obvious to one who has studied the archaeology of 
South America that the cultured peoples of the Andes and west coast possessed a 
common psychology which manifested itself in social systems, religions, and art, which 
were closely akin. Without this kinship, indeed, the rapidity and permanence of the 
Inca conquest were, considering the geographical conditions, unthinkable. The Inca 
imposed sun-worship, it is true, but were satisfied that offerings should be made to 
their own god at stated festivals ; for the rest the subject tribes were allowed to 
worship their own deities, and the latter were even allowed to participate in the 
great sun-festivals at the capital. Beyond a mere ceremonial admission of the priority 

No. 65.] 



of the sun as a deity nothing was expected of the vassals, and in the mind of the 
ordinary native the local huaca exercised far greater control over his everyday actions 
and fortunes. One of the most important sides of the Peruvian religion everywhere 

was the worship of the an- 
cestor of the clan (ayllu\ 
and an equally important 
feature of the mytho- 
logy was the tendency 
for these minor deities 
to assume animal shape. 
In fact in many of the 
legends, as in the legends 
of British Columbia, the 
human and animal aspects 
of the mythological indi- 
vidual are impossible to 
distinguish. The clan 
was an important ele- 
ment iii the Peruvian 
social system, at any 
rate throughout the high- 
lands ; there is evidence 

FIG. 4.- CENTIPEDE MOTIVE : FROM AN ANCIENT VASE, that the cla " S W6r6 * G S~ 

NASCA VALLEY, PERU. gated in different quarters 

of important cities, such 

as at Cuzco, and the arrangement of the coastal buildings into distinct wards, each 
surrounded by its own wall, which is so noticeable at Truxillo, suggests that a 
similar system prevailed on the sea'board. According to a widespread creation-myth 
(I quote from Molina, 
whose account is espe- 
cially full), "in Tia- 
" huanaco the Creator 
" began to raise up 
" the people and na- 
" tions that are in 
" that region, making 
" one of each nation 
" of clay, and paint- 
" ing the dresses that 
" each one was to 
" wear. . . . He 
" gave life and soul 
" to each one . . . 
" and ordered that 
" they should pass 
*' under the earth. 
" Thence each nation 
" came up in the 
" places to which he 
" ordered them to go. Thus they say that some issued from caves, others from 
" hills, others from fountains, others from the trunks of trees. . . . Thus each 
" nation uses the dress with which they invest their huaca ; and they say that the 



1913,] MAN. [Nos, 65-66. 

" first that was born from that place was there turned into stones, others say that 
" the first of their lineages (ayllu) were turned into falcons, condors, and other 
" animals and birds. Hence the huaca they use and worship are in different 
" shapes." 

As supplementary to the above may be mentioned the statement of Arriaga, 
that in a certain village the discovery was made of a stone figure of a falcon 
supported on a silver plate and surrounded by four human mummies richly dressed. 
The falcon was said to be the huaca of the ayllu, and the mummies were stated to 
be those of its sons, the progenitors of the ayllu ; as such they were objects of 
local worship. 

A passage from Garcilasso de la Vesga, himself of Inca descent, taken with the 
above, will, I think, explain the use of animal costumes. He is writing of the great 
feast of the Sun, Yntip Raymi, at Cuzco, and of the part played therein by the 
vassal tribes : " The Curacas (local chiefs) came in all the splendour they could 
" afford. Some wore dresses adorned with bezants of gold and silver, with the same 
" fastened as a circlet round their headdresses. Others came in a costume neither 
" more nor less than that in which Hercules is painted, wrapped in the skins of 
" lions with the heads fixed over their own. These were the Indians who claimed 
" descent from a lion. Others came attired in the fashion that they paint their 
" angels, with great wings of the bird they call cuntur (condor). . . . These 
*' are the Indians who declare that they are descended from a cuntur. The Yunca 
" (coast-dwellers) came attired in the most hideous masks that can be imagined, and 
" they appeared at the feasts making all sorts of grimaces. . . ." 

One feature of these animal dresses deserves mention, viz., that they constituted 
almost the only kind of personal property known nnder the communistic system 
which prevailed, at least under the Inca regime, in Peru. The personal fetishes 
belonging to a man were buried with him, but the family fetishes (conopa) and the 
dresses worn in the festivals held in honour of the huaca, which must almost certainly 
be identified with these animal costumes, were inherited by the eldest son. In this 
respect they correspond to the animal masks and other insignia connected with the 
winter ceremonials of the tribes of the west coast of North America, though here 
inheritance is frequently indeed, more frequently in the female line. 

The points which I wish to emphasize in the above short paper may be summa- 
rised as follows. The importance of the cult of the clan-ancestor throughout Peru ; 
the identification of the dance scene with animal costumes, so common in early coastal 
pottery, with ceremonies commemorating the huaca of the various ayllu ; and the 
importance of the centipede as a local huaca in the valley of Nasca. 


Sociology : India. Hodson. 

Birth Marks as a Test of Race. By T. C. Hodson. OO 

The Indian Government has taken advantage of the recent Census opera- UU 
tions to order enquiries into the prevalence of blue patches on the lower sacral region 
of infants, which Herr Baelz believes are found exclusively amongst persons of 
Mongolian race. The anthroponietric data, examined in 1901 by and under the 
direction of the late Sir Herbert Risley, showed that there is a Mongoloid element 
in the population of the delta of the Ganges and its tributaries from the confines of 
Bihar to the Bay of Bengal, from the Himalayas on the north and the province of 
Assam on the east down to Orissa, with the hilly country of Chota Nagpur and 
Western Bengal as a western limit. On the northern and eastern frontier India 
marches with the great Mongolian region, but the intervention of the great physical 
barrier of the Himalayas offers an impassable obstacle to the southward extension of 

No. 66.] MAN. [1913. 

the Mongolian races. (Census of India, Vol. I., 1901, pages 504 and 505.) The 
Census Reports for 1911, which have been published, give some remarkable results of 
the investigations then made into the Mongoloid patch theory. In Assam (Report, 
page 127), Mr. McSwiney comes to the conclusion that blue spots are fairly common 
amongst all classes in Assam. They are found sporadically among Hindus and 
Mohammedans, and are said not to be very prevalent among Nagas or Manipuris, 
whose languages are, of course, Tibeto-Burman. People were not ready to give 
information, which is not surprising. In Burma the reports indicate that among the 
indigenous races of the province (Burmese, Karens, Taungthus, Chins, Kachins, Shans, 
Talaings, Danus, Inthas, Taungyos) and their sub-tribes the existence of a coloured 
patch of irregular shape in the lower sacral region is almost, if not quite, universal. 
The colour is generally dark blue, but variations in colour from dark brown and dull 
reddish to pink have been observed. Between 80 and 90 per cent, would represent 
the number of babies born with the marks. (Burma Census Report, 1911, page 285.) 
The United Provinces Report is also interesting. The marks have been found in 
persons so ethnically different as Bengali Brahmans and Hazara Pathans. It is 
commonest in Almora, Nairn Tal, and South Mirzapur, where the tribes are aboriginal 
and of all castes, commonest among Tharus, who have always been supposed to have 
an admixture of Mongolian blood. (Report of the Census of the United Provinces, 
pages 361 and 362.) The Tharu percentage is not high, 13 '7, and in this province, 
especially in the districts bordering on the sub-Himalayan tracts, further enquiries 
seem necessary. It is quite possible that both Bengali Brahmans and Hazara Pathans 
have come into contact with Mongolian stocks. Risley always held that the Mongoloid 
element in Bengal was large. The Baroda Report gives purely negative results 
(page 243). In the Bombay Report (page 208) it is stated that observations were 
taken in several maternity hospitals, which gave the following data : Hindus, 25 per 
cent, in Bombay, and seventeen out of nineteen in Ahmedabad. Goanese nearly 20 per 
cent. The inference is drawn that Dr. Baelz is incorrect in thinking that this pigmentation 
is confined exclusively to Mongolians, though he may be correct in concluding that it is 
universal among those races. The witty author of the Madras Census Report observes 
that trace of Mongolian descent afforded by blue markings on the hinder parts of 
children was a subject proposed for enquiry. The matter is one for expert knowledge 
and opportunity, and, unfortunately, the quest failed to stir the imagination of the 
Madras doctors. Among the Gadabas of Jeypore were noted some Mongolian traits, 
but observation, as may be seen, was made a f route rather than a posteriori (page 172). 
The subject does not seem to have received attention in Mysore and Cochin, perhaps 
because it was deemed unnecessary to add to the many troubles of Census operations in 
areas where no one has ever yet believed the Mongolian element to be present. If this 
is the true explanation it is unfortunate, because the Bombay evidence seems lo warrant 
the inference which has been drawn from it, and if it were ascertained that in other 
distinctly non-Mongoloid areas these interesting blue patches were found on infants, 
either the theory that they are indicators of race would need modification or we should 
have to admit that the Mongoloid element in the Indian population is more widespread 
than other data permit us to believe. 

In the Punjab the enquiries were well managed and have elicited valuable 
information. " Mr. Coldstream, Assistant Commissioner, Kullu, reports that the blue 
" spot is a well known phenomenon in Lahul and is found equally in pure Tibetans, 
" in a mixture of Tibetans and Lahulis, and in pure Lahuli children. The mark, 
" he says, is not universal, and he quotes a local belief that if a pregnant woman 
" steps over a frying-pan or a hand-mill, her child is born with the blue mark." 
Another informant adds the saying that if a pregnant woman steps over the saucepan 
her child gets the mark. To the same authority, a Gurkha, noted as an intelligent 

[ H8 ] " 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 66-67. 

man, remarked that "if a man in his last birth had been an ibex which was hit 
" by a bullet, then he will have a blue spot in this birth in that part of the body 
" which was hit by the bullet." Enquiries were made in Lahore of a midwife who 
had observed 174 cases of children with blue patches. Most children of the Hindus 
and Mohammedans alike have these patches on them. She ascribed it to the placenta, 
and the Health Officer came to the conclusion that these patches ^re due to the 
effect of pressure on the back of the child, due to the method of native women tying 
their skirts about the level of the umbilicus. There is usually a knot in front, and 
this may at times change its position. This presses against the back of the child 
in utere, and is liable to make the part pressed on unduly congested and pigmented. 
The lady doctor of the Amritsar Municipal Female Hospital says that two or three 
children not Mongolian in every hundred have these patches. The Census Super- 
intendent observes that his own enquiries show that a blue patch of a regular shape 
and of varying size is a very common phenomenon in the province, particularly 
among the lower classes. The reason ascribed by the intelligent midwives is this. 
If the child is not covered up immediately on birth, the placenta usually drops on 
its back, just above the buttocks, and this contact produces a blue patch, which lasts 
for a long or a short period according to the length of time for which the placenta 
remains touching the body of the child. 10,410 children were examined, of whom 
1,807, or 17 per cent., had blue patches, but not one of them was a Mongolian. In 
Hoshiarpur, where the castes of the children were recorded, it was found that the 
patches were found principally among the lower castes, but even then the percentages 
are low, in no case exceeding the general average for the whole province. (Punjab 
Census Report, 1911, pp. 442-3.) - 

On Car Nicobar Island a number of children were examined by the Census Super- 
intendent. Omitting those whose age was uncertain, out of thirty-five no less than 
thirty had the mark. (Andaman and Nicobar Islands Census Report, 1911, p. 119.) 
The subject is not referred to so far as I have been able to see in the Census 
Reports from the Central India Agency or for the North- West Frontier Province. 

The final views of the Census authorities on this topic will be of interest, and 
it may not be out of place to add the remark that the thorough investigations which 
have been made by the orders of the Indian Government into terms of relationship 
at the instance of Dr. Rivers ought, when finally available, to yield very important 
sociological results. T. C. HODSON. 

Japan : Folklore. Hildburgh. 

Some Japanese Charms connected with the Preparation and C7 

Consumption of Food. By W. L. Hildburgh. Of 

Preparation of Food. The following charms appear to be purely empirical, or 
to include some apparently entirely irrational element in a rational setting : 

To remove bitterness from a cucumber, cut a piece from one end, and then, with 
a circular motion, rub the two cut surfaces together a few times. 

To cause potatoes which are likely to be hard after cooking to become soft in 
the boiling, slice them beforehand with a knife held in the left hand. 

In cooking a daikon (a kind of large radish), to cause it to become sweet and 
delicious, pour upon it of water one cupful (and no more) from the rice-cup of the 
head of the household. 

The following charms appear to have a more or less rational basis which has 
become warped : 

To cause rice to cook evenly and well, set a small tub of water upon the wooden 
lid of the rice-kettle ; probably the original idea was merely to keep down the lid so 
as to hold the steam in. 

No. 67.] MAN. [1913, 

In cooking dried fish, to cause the bones to soften place the kettle, after boiling,, 
upon the ground (it is the contact with the earth which is the essential part of the 
charm) to cool ; then, after seasoning and boiling again, allow the kettle finally to- 
cool upon the ground. 

To make spoiled sake good and to bring back its lost colour, write the name 
Kanzeon (i.e.+Kwannon, the powerful "Goddess of Mercy "), within three concentric 
circles upon a piece of paper, and drop this paper into the liquor ; or, according to 
another form of the same recipe given elsewhere, write upon the paper Kanzeon 
Bosatsu, within a sort of cartouche, followed by a certain set of words. Here the 
belief in Kwannon's power has, to the performer, the value of an actual physical 

The following recipes, although given as majinai, appear to have no magical! 
element : 

To cure soy which has become mouldy or otherwise spoilt, place a cloth containing 
a little dry mustard in the soy. 

To cause azuki beans to cook evenly, place a narrow piece of bamboo-skin tied 
in a knot with them during the boiling. (This probably merely serves to help to 
keep the beans in motion.) 

To hasten the clearing of sand from shell-fish taken from the sea, by the usual 
process of placing them in fresh water for some time before cooking, put a knife (or 
any other iron object) into the fresh water with them. 

Consumption of Food. To remove a fish-bone stuck in the throat, stroke the 
throat outside with a piece of ivory. The only explanation I have heard for the 
selection of ivory in particular for this purpose is that it is smooth and soft. The 
words U no nodo, " Cormorant's throat," if repeated during the stroking add to 
the efficacy ; the cormorant is referred to because of its ability to swallow easily the 
whole of its fish-food. Some people (although comparatively few, I think), consider 
that eating with ivory chopsticks will prevent bones from catching in the throat. 

To remove a fish-bone from the throat, write a certain charm with ink in & 
sake-cup, dissolve the ink in water, and drink the water. Or, write a certain charm 
upon the left hand, and then, pretending that the hand is a cupful of liquid, put it to- 
the lips three times as if drinking. Or, drink in water one of the Sanskrit characters- 
taken from one of the printed paper charms (a special kind to which many magical 
virtues are attributed) sold at the Suitengu shrine and its branches. 

To cure choking by food (commonly caused by the hasty consumption of soft 
food, especially rice), turn the head first to one side and try then to touch the 
shoulder with the tongue, then to the other side and try to touch the other shoulder. 
[This procedure appears to be based upon physical rather than magical principles.] 
To cure choking by food, make a grimace at the strip of plaster running round 
the upper part of the walls of the room ; or, if one happens to be out of doors, at 
the plaster coating the walls of a house. 

To prevent choking at meals by a person especially subject to it, there is a 
very interesting charm in use at Tokyo, and in the district about there, consisting 
of a pair of small clay pigeons, to be placed before the person at each meal, and to 
each of which a bit of the foods feared are offered by the person, with the 
chopsticks, just before he partakes of them.* 

There is a curious ceremony which is sometimes performed when a child reaches 
about the age of four, which has for its object the securing of strong and healthy teeth 
for the child. It is called Tabczome, the first eating, and the child is fed at the time 
with a little very soft rice. A table is set for the child, as if a meal is to be taken^ 

* For a fuller description of this charm, and the pretended arid real explanations of its 
efficacy, see "Japanese Household Magic," in Trans. Japan Society ( Lon&oit). 1908. 

[ 120 J 



[No, 67-68, 

but in the place of the fish commonly present at meals there are two blue stones, 
usually four to five inches long, wrapped round with white paper and tied with the 
red and gold cord used for fastening gifts. The motions of feeding these stones 
to the child, with chopsticks, as if they were actually fish, are then gone through. 
In order to secure purity the stones used are taken preferably from a river-bed, and, 
before being used, should be hung within the well of the house for about two months 
(the longer, the better). After the ceremony the stones are generally kept for some 
years by the parents.* 

To keep food from disagreeing with a person a maneki neko (a child's toy in 
the form of a beckoning cat, to which other, entirely unrelated, magical virtues 
are assigned) kept near to the person is, I have been told, sometimes considered 

To recognise whether a drink be or be not poisonous, look into the cup 
containing it ; if the face be not reflected from the surface the drink should be 
regarded with suspicion. 

If food be eaten witli chopsticks made of a certain kind of horn (indefinitely 
defined to me, but almost certainly rhinoceros horn, to which similar properties 
have long been attributed by Oriental and Occidental peoples), any poison which 
may be in it will be rendered harmless. 

The following majinai, against poisoning by certain foods, appear to have at 
least an element of reason in them. 

To avoid be poisoned by a melon, when finished eating of it, place three small 
pinches of salt upon the tongue. 

To avoid being poisoned by praAvns, bite off a little of the skin of the tail of 
each, before eating it. W. L. HILDBURGH. 

Africa, West. Scott Macfie. 

A Yoruba Tattooer. By J. W. Scott Macfie. 

In addition to cicatricial tribal marks many of the natives of Ilorin, 
Northern Nigeria, have designs tattooed on various parts of their bodies. One day 
(May 1912) a Yoruba tattooer 
visited my compound, and, 
having displayed his skill by 
means of rough sketches on a 
piece of paper, was commis- 
sioned by my " boy " to tattoo 
his arm. Whilst he was thus 
engaged I took the photograph 
which accompanies this note 

(Fig- !) 

Seating himself on a stool, 

the tattooer gripped the arm of 

his subject with his left hand 

in such a way as to draw the 

skin tightly over the surface 

he was about to decorate, then, 

holding his knife between the 

thumb and the two first fingers p IG< i. 

of his right hand, he slowly 

traced out the design by means of a close series of short slanting incisions that just 

penetrated through the epidermis. Every now and then he paused to dip his hand 

* The ceremony is given as reported to me at Kyoto, 
C 121 ] 

Nos. 68-69.] MAN. [1913. 

into a bowl of water and to take up some powdered charcoal, which he rubbed 
vigorously into the wounds with his thumb. The subject did not appear to suffer 
any pain during the operation. The knife, indeed, was exceedingly sharp, and the 
incisions were but slightly deeper than those made in vaccination. A small amount 
of blood exuded from the wounds, but not sufficient to wash out the charcoal. 

When the design was completed the arm was allowed to dry, and, finally, the 
whole area over Avhich the tattooer had worked was smeared with a mixture of 
charcoal powder and oil extracted from palm kernels. This application 
was continued for some days, the ointment being used four times a day 
until the arm was healed. 

Tattoo marks imprinted in this manner appear as black lines on a 
slightly raised surface. They are, of course, quite inconspicuous against 
the dark background of the native's skin, but they are none the less 
popular. The commonest sites are the outer aspect of the upper arm, 
the sides of the neck, the flexor surface of the forearm, and the face. 

The knife (Fig. 2), which was made out of a single piece of steel, 
FIG. 2. wa 7*5 mm. in length, and consisted of a twisted handle about 4 mm. 
long, and a thin, almost square, blade measuring 3 mm. across. The 
cutting edge was indented in the middle, thus giving the blade two sharp angles 
with which the incisions were made. J. W. SCOTT MACFIE. 

Canada: Anthropology. Barbeau. 

Indian Tribes of Canada. By C. M. Barbeau. O Q 

As the Anthropological Division of the Geological Survey of Canada has UU 
been entrusted by the Dominion Government with the study of the Canadian Indians, 
one may gain a fair insight into its aims and plans by noting the number of aboriginal 
peoples of Canada, and reviewing the data bearing upon their anthropology that have 
been recorded up to September 1912. 

In 1910, the total of the aboriginal population of Canada was estimated by the 
Department of Indian Affairs at 110,000, 25,149 of whom were located in British 
Columbia, 22,565 in Ontario, about 16,000 in the North West Territories, 11,874 in 
Quebec, 9,155 in Alberta, 8,990 in Saskatchewan, and 12,908 in Manitoba, Yukon, 
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island. 

Although only 7,682 are explicitly referred to in the Census of the Indian 
Affairs Department as Eskimos, it is more than likely that the number of Canadian 
Eskimos exceeds that figure. 

The Indians of the Eastern Woodlands that is, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, 
Quebec, and Ontario fall into two highly ramified linguistic stocks : the Algonkin 
and the Iroquoian. The Algonkin-speaking people are split up into several groups : 
the Micmacs of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island (about 
4>500), the Nascopies of the interior of Labrador, the Malecites of New Brunswick 
and Quebec, the Montagnais of Northern Quebec, the Abenakis and Algonquin 
proper of Quebec, the several thousand Pottawatomies, Delawares, Ottawas, and 
Ojibways of Ontario and Manitoba ; and, finally, the Eastern Crees of Northern 
Ontario and Quebec. The 11,000 Iroquoian-speaking people are divided into two 
groups : the Hurons or Wyandots (barely 400 of whom are still to be found in 
Canada), and the Iroquois proper, that is, the Mohawks, Oneidas, Ouondagas, 
Cayugas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras. 

The Plains Indians are represented in Manitoba, Saskatcnewan, and Alberta by 
over 1,000 Sarcees, Sioux, Assiniboines, and about 2,400 Western Algonkins : the 
Blackfoot, Bloods, and Peigans. 

[ 122 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 69. 

The 25,000 aborigines of British Columbia belong to several ethnic groups : 
7,230 are described by the Census of 1910 as North West Coast Indians (Haida, 
Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and Nootka), and over 9,000 as Salish of the Coast and Interior 
of British Columbia. No less than 18,000 to 20,000 natives speaking various Atha- 
pascan dialects inhabit the Plateau of British Columbia, the Yukon district, and the 
Mackenzie River basin. These comparatively unknown Athapascan tribes are the 
Chilcotin, Babine, Carrier, Tahltan, Kutchin, Dog Ribs, Chipewyan, Slaves, Beavers, 
Yellow Knives, and Loucheux. A considerable number of Western Crees also inhabit 
the same region. 

The miscellaneous literature bearing upon the Canadian Indians is prolific, and 
its bibliography in course of preparation already covers about 2,000 items. The 
list of monographs drawn by experts and of other valuable ethnographic contribu- 
tions, however, is comparatively small, and hardly any tribe may boast of a fairly 
complete record of the various aspects of its anthropology. 

Let us survey, at a glance, the evidence now at hand in the respective fields of 
ethnography, physical anthropology, and archaeology. The North West Coast tribes 
have enjoyed a privileged share in the attention of explorers and ethnographers, 
while their neighbours, the Athapascan of the Plateau and the Mackenzie River basin 
have been sadly neglected. The early explorers and traders, British, Russian, and 
Spanish, have left many valuable and extensive descriptions of their experiences 
among the natives of the Coast. The many chapters in Captain Cook's Voyage 
Round the World are still almost unsurpassed in quality ; and no careful ethnologist 
should ignore the large body of data contained in the memoirs and journals of 
Meares, Dixou, Holmberg, Macfie, Poole, Dean, Jewitt, Sproat, Duncan and Maine, 
Swan, and others. 

About 1875, the study of the North West Coast tribes received a new stimulus 
through the sound researches of G. M. Dawson, of the Geological Survey of Canada. 
Soon after, the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the Bureau of 
Ethnology, the United States National Museum, and later, the Jesup North Pacific 
Expedition, came forth with an imposing series of extensive publications due prin- 
cipally to the successful investigations of Niblack, Boas, Hill Tout, S\vanton, Teit, 
and others. The ten or twelve reports to the British Association, meant as a "recon- 
naissance " and superficial survey of the whole field, were soon followed by the more 
extensive and elaborate publications of the Jesup Expedition, which complied with the 
evident need of a more intensive study of each tribe. Imposing as may be this array 
of ethnographic materials, we should not forget that it is anything but adequate, in 
most cases. So important tribes as the Nootka, the Tsimshian, the Bella Coola, the 
Bella Bella, and some of the Coast Salish tribes have been neglected on the whole. 
Notwithstanding their indefatigable and fruitful efforts, Boas and Swauton have not 
had the opportunity of exhausting the ethnographic resources of the Kwakiutl and 
the Haida, and, no doubt, an ample supply of new and interesting facts is still 
forthcoming. We know of but two lists of clans, the geographical distribution of 
which has been traced through several Tlingit and Haida villages, those by Dawson 
and Swanton. Yet nothing short of a thorough mapping out of the geographic 
distribution of the clans and crests, the census of their membership, a vast col- 
lection of individual names belonging to each clan, a large series of instances 
illustrating the historical connection between the myth of origin of powers, the 
manitou, the crest and the mask, the dramatic performance of the myth, and their 
definite association with a clan, family, or society, are essential for a thorough under- 
standing of the remarkable totemic institutions of the Pacific Coast. The complex 
system of dual inheritance through either the father or the mother prevailing among 
the Kwakiutl and the Nootha could only be solved by a fairly complete and 

r 123 ] 

tfo. 69.] MAN. [1913. 

analytical study of what privileges devolve either through the father or the mother, 
and the circumstances of the interested parties. Mr. E. Sapir's recent investigations 
among the Nootkas of Alberni allow him soundly to anticipate that their customs, in 
this respect, Avere far more rigid and restrictive than previous observers had supposed. 
Many of the most important rituals of the North West Coast tribes, as the " first fruits " 
of thanksgiving, the fishing, the hunting and potlatch rituals have often been but 
incidentally mentioned, and we are aware of conspicuous lacunae in the collection of 
song records, photographs, and ethno-botanic materials. 

The many Athapascan tribes of the Plateau and Mackenzie have not been as 
fortunate, from an ethnographic standpoint, as their western neighbours, and the 
explorers, early missionaries, and ethnographers have almost overlooked them. Father 
Morice, Father Jette, and Mr. Hill Tout, at this late day seem to be the pioneers in this 
vast field of research ; and so little is known of some of the northern tribes that it 
is not yet easy to find a good classificatory list of the Athapascan or Dene of Alaska 
and the Yukon district, and of their dialects. 

The Arctic explorers for a long time in contact with the Eskimo, have left 
bulky documents of their miscellaneous observations, under the form of memoirs and 
reports. The Greenland and Alaskan Eskimo have received the best share of the 
attention of anthropologists and scientific bodies, Danish or American, while the 
Central Eskimo have been studied by several explorers, and more satisfactorily by 
Mr. Boas ; hardly anything is known of the Mackenzie Eskimo ; their technology 
even is very inadequately represented in museums. 

It is not without surprise and regret that one realizes how little is known of 
the culture of the Eastern tribes of Cauada, notwithstanding their accessibility and 
their constant association, for centuries, with the white settlers. In a few cases, for 
instance that of the Beothuk of Newfoundland, they have vanished out of existence 
without leaving any trace whatever. The well-known Hurons, estimated at 20,000 to 
30,000 by the early missionaries, are now represented by but a few hundred half-breeds, 
all but a few of whom are thoroughly ignorant of their native language and traditions. 
What do we know of the numerous Montagnais of Northern Quebec ? The Nascopies 
of Labrador have as yet furnished but a short report by L. M. Turner, and but little of 
real value is to be found on the Micmacs, the Malecites, the Abenakis, the Algonquin 
proper, the Ottawas, the Delawares, the Pottawatomies, the Mississagas, and others. 
The Eastern Crees have been a trifle more fortunate, the American Museum of Natural 
History having lately published a report based upon the observations of Mr. A. Skinner, 
collected in the course of a trip. . . . Many of these cultures have now almost 
vanished, and but scanty vestiges of their past may still be recovered. 

Let us dwell a moment upon the O jib ways, the Iroquois and the Hurons. 
Although the bibliography of the literature on the Ojibways and the Iroquois embrace 
a good many titles, in the nature of articles, assays, historical sketches by some natives 
or occasional enthusiasts, and several technical reports, it may be safely stated that but 
a small portion of their imposing culture has yet been reduced into terms of documen- 
tary evidence. Copway, Schoolcraft, Hoffman, Jones, Miss Densmore, and others have 
published much of real value on the heroic narratives, the myths and legends, the 
rituals, pictographs, language, and music of the Ojibways. These results, however, 
may be considered anything but exhaustive, as the Ojibways are numerous and 
scattered over a vast territory around the Great Lakes. 

The Five Nations of the Iroquois league are already well-known to anthropologists, 
through the works of Morgan, Hale, Hewitt, Mrs. Converse, Parker, Beauchamp, 
Erminnie A. Smith, and Harrington. But, as in the case of the Ojibways, the field 
is still full of promise, and several specialists may still long be engaged at the fruitful 
study of this highly complex culture. As the observations of many of the best-known 

[ 124 ] 

1913J MAN. [No. 69. 

authorities on the Iroquois have been frequently confined to those of the State of New 
York, the 10,000 Canadian Iroquois should yield ranch new material. Taken altogether, 
many aspects of this culture are comparatively unknown in literature ; for instance, 
how many of their numerous and extensive myths, legends, and heroic adventures have 
been written down in text form, as they should undoubtedly be ? How many of their 
several annual feasts, of the thousands of ritual and lyric songs, and of the almost 
endless lists of totemic individual names belonging to each clan have yet been fully 
recorded ? Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, it is true, has taken down a large amount of 
texts, principally with Chief John Gibson, of Grand River, Ontario ; but it is to be 
regretted that only a small portion of this valuable material has found its way to 
the publisher. 

Probably no Indian tribe, about 1650, had received so much attention in literature 
as the .Hurons, of Ontario. Champlain's memoirs, Sagard's history, and, first of all, 
the Jesuit Relations, constitute a precious mine of information, although far beneath the 
requirements of modern ethnology. Hardly anything has been added since to these 
early data, and so little is known of the scattered remnants of that nation that 
Father Jones, their life-long historian, could state erroneously, in his voluminous 
Htiroitia, that the Huron language has now been extinct for over fifty years, and the 
recent Handbook of North American Indians, summing up the documentary evidence, 
could give but a very incorrect list of the clans, including some that have never 
been known to exist and omitting others still represented in one section of the 

Archaeological work and research in the physical anthropology of the Canadian 
natives have, in the past, made but little progress. Local archaeological societies, as 
a matter of fact, have, at different times, been organized, and a number of amateurs 
have taken great pains to disturb archasological sites, indiscriminately gathering loads 
of relics, but all this with more detriment than real profit. Mr. Harlan I. Smith's 
work in British Columbia, for the Jesup Expedition, some pioneer work of Mr. Mont- 
gomery and Mr. Bryce in Manitoba, the investigations of C. F. Tache, F. Hunter, 
and chiefly of Mr. David Boyle and his assistants, for the Provincial Museum of 
Toronto, constitute the sum total of profitable contributions to the archa3ological history 
of Canada. 

Besides a number of museum measurements on Eskimo skulls, the only valuable 
accessions to the physical anthropology of the Canadian Indians are the anthropometric 
statistics of Mr. F. Boas on the Kwakiutl, and a study on the Iroquoian skulls of the 
Normal School Museum of Toronto by Mr. David Boyle. 

As the members of this Society remember well, the Resolution voted by the 
British Association at Winnipeg in 1909, and addressed to the Canadian Government, 
received immediate consideration ; and, as a result, an Anthropological Division was 
established in the Geological Survey in order to cope with the urgent needs and problems 
of Canadian anthropology as above described. 

Mr. Edward Sapir, of the University of Pennsylvania, was appointed, in the 
summer of 1910, as chief of the new Division, and in January, 1911, Mr. C. M. Barbeau 
as assistant. In the following summer, Mr. Harlan I. Smith, of the American Museum 
of Natural History of New York, received an appointment as archaeologist ; and it is 
anticipated that the position of physical anthropologist will soon be created in the 

The appointment of this permanent staff is in conformity with the accepted 
view that the new section should constitute a unit subdivided into three branches, 
ethnological, archaeological, and anthropological proper. 

Its functions consist in the threefold activities of field research, museum, and 
lecture work. In carrying out a rather ambitious plan of field research, the members 

[ 125 ] 

No. 69.] MAN. [1913. 

of the permanent staff are being assisted by several anthropologists, temporarily 
engaged by the Division to carry out some special lines of investigations. 

The nature of museum and office activities are, of course, bound to vary according 
to circumstances. It has been considered urgent, for obvious reasons, to proceed at 
once on the gradual preparation of a general and extensive bibliography of the 
literature on Canadian ethnography and ethnology, archaeology and physical anthro- 
pology. A time-consuming task has been that of sorting according to tribes, with 
mention of the available data, the 7,000 or 8,000 ethnographic specimens, and a still 
larger archaeological collection, already in storage at the Museum, and intended for 
permanent exhibition in the spacious halls of the new Victoria Memorial Museum. 
This valuable collection, originated about 1880 by G. M. Dawson, has since been 
considerably supplemented by the successive directors of the Geological Survey. The 
several thousand excellent specimens from the Pacific Coast, the largest part of 
which has been assembled by Powell, Dawson, and C. F. Newcombe, with notable 
additions due to Boas, Hill Tout, and Aarouson, constitute one of the best Pacific 
Coast collections in existence. Some 800 specimens collected years ago by Mercier 
illustrate very satisfactorily the technology of the Alaskan Eskimos, while over 800 
objects, for which the Museum is indebted to Mr. A. P. Low and Captain Comer, 
pertain to the Labrador and Hudson Bay Eskimo. The other tribes of Canada, 
notably those of the Eastern Woodlands, were not at all represented at the Museum. 
and but a small number of Salish, Athapascan, and Plains exhibits had been 

Since its inception, the Anthropological Division, under the able leadership of 
Mr. Sapir, has in earnest assumed the task of rounding up the collection and of 
making it, as much as possible, illustrative of the various aspects of the technology 
and material culture of every Canadian tribe. Over 1,500 ethnographic specimens 
have, with this purpose, recently been acquired through the initiative of the members 
of the staff, or otherwise purchased. The Iroquois and Huron material, collected 
mainly by Mr. Sapir and Mi-. Barbeau, now covers over 1,000 objects. A number 
of phonographic records of Indian songs and speech, and of photographs, are now 
in the possession of the Museum, and 700 or 800 ritual and lyric Indian songs re- 
corded among the Nootka, Thompson River, Tahltan, Huron, Cayuga, Ojibway, and 
Malecite tribes, exemplify quite extensively several types of music, the analytical 
study of which is bound to be interesting. 

With regard to museum archaeological work, Mr. Smith, recently assisted by 
Mr. W. J. Wintemberg, of Toronto, has for several months been engaged on sorting 
and preparing for exhibition the comparatively large archaeological collection from 
British Columbia and Ontario, for many years in the possession of the Museum. 
Mr. Smith and Mr. Wintemberg are now engaged at some interesting archaeological 
research near Spencerville, Ontario. 

Mr. F. II. S. Knowles, of Oxford University, has now been busy for several 
months on the Iroquois Reservation at Tuscarora, Ontario, in the interests of physical 
anthropology. His anthropometric survey of the Iroquois is intended as a preliminary 
step towards the establishment of a permanent position of physical anthropologist in 
the Anthropological Division, and as the first of a series of similar studies on other 
Canadian tribes. 

Jt may be added, as a last remark, that the ethnographic field work of the 
permanent and temporary staff seem to have been pursued, so far, in fortunate circum- 
stances, and accompanied with very interesting results, later to be published as reports. 
Immediately after his appointment in the autumn of 1910, Mr. Sapir spent three 
months among the Nootka of Alberni Canal, Vancouver Island, studying the Nootka 
language and taking down mythological texts, together with notes on rituals, secret 

[ 126 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 69-70. 

societies, and laws of inheritance. As most of his time since has been consumed by 
administrative work, it is unfortunate that Mr. Sapir has not yet been able to resume 
his Nootka researches which, it is hoped, he will be able to do shortly. In the 
course of a flying trip over several Eastern Reservations, Mr. Sapir has, incidentally, 
had the opportunity of studying the phonetic systems of several Algonkin and Iroquois 
dialects. Mr. Barbeau's study of the Hurons of Lorette (Quebec), Anderdou (Ontario), 
and Wyandotte (Oklahoma), is now complete after seven months field research during 
the summers of 1911 and 1912. The abundant materials, secured in the course of 
this investigation, represent extensively the various aspects of their ethnology. While 
in Oklahoma, Mr. Barbeau has also taken up the study of several Cayuga rituals and 
and feasts, especially with a view to understanding more fully the corresponding rituals 
of their kin and neighbours, the Wyandots or Hurons. The two distinct sets of 
Wyaudot and Cayuga ritual songs recorded on the phonograph exceed 400 numbers 
or stanzas. On the occasion of the passage at Ottawa, in January 1912, of several 
Shuswap, Lillooet, and Thompson River chiefs from British Columbia, Mr. Barbeau 
noted down, in the course of a fortnight, interesting information on the " visions,'' 
" dreams," and the mauitous of the Thompson River Indians, with about thirty-five 
accompanying " vision " and dancing songs, also recorded on the phonograph. Mr. A. A. 
Goldenweiser and Mr. Paul Radin, of Columbia University, have joined the Anthro- 
pological Division on temporary engagements. Mr. Goldenweiser has undertaken 
with success a thorough study of the social morphology and religion of the Iroquois 
of Ontario, especially from a " totemic " standpoint. Mr. Radin during the past few 
months has been at work on the Ojibway language, social organization and mythology, 
transcribing industriously a number .of long mythological texts. Mr. Cyrus MacMillan, 
of McGill University, and Mr. W. H. Mechling have, during several months in 1911-12, 
compiled data on the Micmac and Malecite folk-lore and other aspects of the New 
Brunswick and Nova Scotia aborigines. Mr. F. W. Waugh, of Toronto, is now 
pursuing with remarkable results a complete survey of the technology, material culture, 
and ethno-botany of the Iroquois of Ontario and Quebec. And Mr. James A. Teit, 
from Spences Bridge, B.C., has agreed soon to extend his researches to some 
Athapascan tribes of the Plateau of British Columbia for the benefit of the Division. 
It is gratifying to note that the members of both permanent and temporary staff 
reveal great enthusiasm and energy in their respective fields, which seems a fair omen 
for the ultimate prosperity and success of the Anthropological Division. 


America, South. Hardenburgr. 

The Putumayu, the Devil's Paradise. By W. E. Hardenburg. Fisher Tft 
Uuwin. I U 

"A whole race of men," wrote Martins, "is wasting away before the eyes of 
" the world, and no power of philosophy or Christianity can arrest its proudly 
" gloomy progress towards a certain and utter extinction. The present and future 
" condition of this race of men is a monstrous and tragical drama, such as no fiction 
" of the past ever yet presented to our contemplation." 

A few Amazonian tribes, such as the Musu and Chiquito, have settled doAvn 
to an agricultural life, but the vast majority will continue to range over the 
primeval forests as hunters or fishers until they are exterminated by " civilisation." 
The greed for gold has been the cause of atrocious cruelties quite* equal to religious 
intolerance or the fear of witchcraft. The natives of South America have suffered 
torture and death when unable to satisfy that greed, since the Spaniards first arrived. 
Yet there is a wide difference between the Conquistadores and the loathsome fiends 

[ 127 ] 

No. 70.] MAN. [1913. 

who recently committed those horrible atrocities on the Putumayu. At least the 
Conquistadores were heroic in their valour and their endurance, many were influenced 
by religions motives as well as by the thirst for riches, while some more than is 
generally believed were humane and merciful. The Putumayu ruffian is the vilest 
conceivable type of humanity. 

Here was the greed for gold in an exceptionally horrible form, but these noble 
Amazonian Indians have for centuries been exposed to pillage and slavery in a less 
monstrous form, and tribes are fast diminishing in numbers and disappearing. We 
may welcome the missionary boat now traversing the lower reaches of some of the 
rivers, because it will ensure publicity, and the crimes can no longer be concealed. 
The curse of "civilisation" will inevitably cause the extinction of the Amazonian 
tribes, yet it is very desirable that their free forest life should be prolonged. Vast 
areas of the regions over which they wander are flooded for so long that it will be 
centuries before they can be used for cultivation. The danger of the Indians lies in 
the demand for indiarubber, and in their forced employment, a slavery which leads 
to extermination, and very rapidly. The Indians are equal 1o their enemies with 
anything like the same numbers, even with inferior weapons, but they are usually 
captured by surprise or treachery. 

In 1870 the present writer came to the conclusion that it was necessary to bring 
the indiarubber -yielding trees under cultivation. He also foresaw the ill-treatment 
of the Indians as the demand increased ; and he hoped that successful cultivation 
might reduce the profit from the wild trees. He introduced the three kinds, Hevea, 
Castilloa, and Manihot Glaziovii into Ceylon and Burma, but it was several years 
before planters took up the cultivation in Ceylon .and the Malay Peninsula, and it is 
to be feared that it will be very long before the Amazon trade is affected. The only 
hope is in missionary effort, and in the trade getting into the hands of respectable 
and humane adventurers. There are some even now. 

The special region to which the writer of the book under review refers is the 
basin of the River Putumayu. This river and its tribuaries rise in the mountains 
of Colombia. The Peruvians have forcibly seized the region, but their title is not 
undisputed. This country was undoubtedly included in the old Viceroyalty of New 
Granada, to which the present Republic of Colombia succeeded. The boundaries of 
South American Republics have been settled in accordance with the uti possidetis of 
1810. But it appears that in that year the Spanish Government drafted a decree by 
which the basin of the Putumayu and of some other rivers north of the Amazon were 
handed over to the Viceroy of Peru. The Colombians maintain that this decree was 
never carried out, and was, therefore, invalid. The Peruvians, of course, maintain its 
validity. The Colombians hold the upper courses, while the Peruvians have seized 
the navigable parts. It is a question which is admirably adapted for arbitration. 

The treatment of natives ought to be the final test. The tribe within the country 
occupied by Colombia is called Cioni. Mr. Hardenburg gives a very interesting account 
of these Cioni. They are treated with justice and indulgence, and are peaceful and 
contented. It is a very different story in the region occupied by the Peruvians ; a 
system of brigandage, torture, and murder prevailed. The once numerous tribes of 
Huitoto and Bora numbered over 30,000, but they were split up into clans and 
families and became an easy prey. The infamous invaders, armed with Winchester 
rifles, very soon reduced their numbers from 30,000 to 10,000, and the hideous story 
related by Mr. Hardenburg, the truth of which is confirmed by Sir Roger Casement 
and his colleagues, has now been laid bare. 

The remedy is hard to find. The Governments whose subjects are deriving profits 
from this horrible system of forced labour are not likely to take active preventive 
steps. Intervention is not possible, and if it were it would not be adopted. England 

[ 128 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 70-71. 

is the only country that has ever made sacrifices for the suppression of slavery. The 
only hope is in publicity, the measures which will prevent these atrocities from being 
committed secretly. We must wish all possible success to the steps already taken, 
with this end, by the Evangelical Union of South America. C. R., M. 

Religion. Harrison. 

Themis. By J. E. Harrison. "14 

Miss Harrison has already done much to illuminate the origins of Greek I I 
religion, and in Themis she shows her wonted learning and ingenuity. Taking 
as her text the " Hymn of the Kouretes " found at Palaikastro in Crete, she leads us 
from the communal rites of savages, the world of mana and magic, to the civilized 
realm of the Olympian deities. We see, first, the tribal rite, which knows no god r 
but seeks to promote fertility by magical means. Then the magic rite becomes 
vaguely theistic ; the tribe shrinks to a band of initiates worshipping a spirit who ia 
at first a mere projection of themselves, the Megistos Kouros of the Hymn. Then 
we watch this spirit assuming many forms, now animal, now human ; now an infant, 
now adult ; now male, now female ; till at last he (or they, for the varieties become 
stereotyped as individuals) is absorbed in the Olympian Pantheon of personal anthro- 
pomorphic duties. Here he survives in many shapes. Sometimes he preserves his 
individuality, as Agathos Daimon, or Agathe Tyche ; sometimes he is almost, but 
not quite, transformed into a true Olympian, as in the case of Dionysus or Herakles ; 
sometimes he survives only as a bye-form of a greater god, as in Apollo Aguieus ; 
sometimes he degenerates into an attendant animal, or is discovered only in some 
curious piece of ritual. But under all disguises he is distinguished by two essential 
characteristics ; he is not immortal, but periodically reincarnated, and he is not the- 
recipient of gift sacrifices, but is himself eaten sacramentally by his worshippers. 
Moreover, he is, owiug to his origin, usually associated with a thiasos of divine 
attendants (once human), and is essentially associated with the production of fertility. 
But these latter features are often obscured. In developing this thesis, which is 
inevitably disfigured by so brief a summary, Miss Harrison has light to throw on 
every part of Greek Religion. There is hardly a god, or festival, or rite of any 
importance left untouched. 

It is a fascinating story, and in a measure carries conviction. We can hardly 
doubt that some such rites as are described played a part in the formation of Greek 
religion and left manifest traces upon it. But when we come to particular applications, 
conviction wavers. We are constantly inclined to say, " it may have been so," 
rather than "it was." It is disquieting, in the first place, to find that our communal 
deity, or Euiautos Daimon, is as ubiquitous as our old friend the Vegetation Spirit. 
And when we come to the evidence this doubt is often strengthened. In a work 
that covers so much ground detailed discussion of evidence is doubtless impossible^ 
but the use here made of it often appears at the least uncritical. We have only 
space for one or two instances. The writer contends (pp. 72, 73) that Kratos 
(Power), as mentioned in Hesiod (Theogoany, 383), is the thunderbolt, and adduces 
in evidence two passages, one from Sophocles, which speaks of Zeus as " wielding 
" the powers (/cpar^) of the lightning," and the other from the Roman Cornutus. 
which speaks of the power " which Zeus holds in his right hand." It is obvious that 
neither of these passages proves that Kpdros to Hesiod, or any Greek, by itself suggested 
the thunderbolt. And the passage in Hesiod is still less conclusive. In it we hear 
that Styx brought forth " Envy and Victory, Power (updros) and Force." Mis< 
Harrison, quite reasonably, tells us that in Hesiod we have *' flotsam and jetsam 
" of earlier ages, weltering up unawares from subconscious depths." But who 
without powers of divination can detect in a case like this the precious flotsam 

[ 129 ] 

No. 71.] MAN. [1913, 

from the later abstractions which surround it ? And " subconscious " memories 
like this figure somewhat frequently in the evidence, and provoke suspicion. For 
if an author, when his evidence is useful, can be made " subconsciously " to remember 
a primitive belief, and when it is inconvenient, can be dismissed as late and sophis- 
ticated, it is clear that we can prove anything. And again, two pages further on, 
when discussing the primitive idea of magic, we are given a definition of /uayem 
from the " Platonic " Alcibiades. But the mageia there mentioned is definitely 
stated to be the teaching of the Persian Magi, and it is obvious that no valid in- 
ference can be drawn from Zoroastrianism to the primitive conception of magic ; 
though the word "magic" happens to be derived from p.dyos. It is fair to say 
that here and elsewhere the writer has other and stronger evidence for her con- 
tentions, but the use of such evidence as this merely weakens the case, and leaves 
the reader with a feeling of insecurity. One cannot help contrasting such methods 
with the cautious work of a scholar like Dr. Warde Fowler in his treatment of 
Roman religion. 

And the student of classical literature will be struck by another point. He is 
constantly coming to statements that this or that rite or deity is "only" the primi- 
tive thing from which it is descended. The only possible reply to this statement is 
that it is false. To say that Apollo Aguieus is the phallic pillar which once did 
duty as his image is like saying that the Zeus of Phidias is the unshaped stone, 
which was once worshipped in his place. In the religion of classical times the primi- 
tive no doubt survives, but it survives in an alien world where most things are new 
and of different origin. This Miss Harrison herself recognizes ; in fact, she often 
points the contrast. She has a personal animosity against the Olympians. She loves 
the " older and deeper things " of the primitive cults, and pours scorn on the Immortals 
who idle in Olympus and receive unearned gift sacrifices ; unlike the primitive god, 
who is always busy reincarnating himself and being eaten by his worshippers. But 
in her desire to find the noble savage everywhere she often forgets tue gap between 
him and the later Greek. That the later religion preserves many traces of the 
primitive no one nowadays will doubt. The knowledge of these is essential, and it 
is the great service of Miss Harrison that she calls our attention to them. But at 
best this knowledge does not carry us far. All savages are much alike, but the 
Greeks of classical times are unique, and the problem of chief interest, in religion as 
in other matters, is how the one was transformed into the other. Phrases such as 
those quoted are misleading, for they suggest, though perhaps unintentionally, that the 
problem is solved, when it is in fact only raised. 

Another favourite phrase is open to similar objection. Such and such a thing, 
usually something primitive, is said to be the " real " meaning of a rite or myth. 
But, unless Miss Harrison is prepared to maintain the objective existence of the 
Greek deities, it is clear that they and their rites at any given time are just what 
their worshippers believe them to be, and no more. ' What they once meant to other 
worshippers, though historically interesting, is irrelevant, unless it can be shown that 
it was still alive in men's minds. To speak of " real " meanings, therefore, either 
implies confusion of thought or suggests an illegitimate inference. No doubt primitive 
beliefs were in some cases alive and real in later Greece, much more so than the literary 
tradition would suggest. Modern writers and Miss Harrison not least have shown us 
how one-sided and deceptive that tradition is. But it is most important to distinguish 
clearly between living beliefs and practices not represented by literature, and mere 
" survivals " clinging to the later religion, but virtually dead. This is no doubt difficult, 
but unless we do it, Greek religion becomes a phantasmagoria in which everything is 
something else, or rather everything else at the same time. This is, in fact, some- 
what the picture left upon the mind by the book. 

[ 130 J 

1913.] MAN. [Ncs, 71-72. 

It would be unfair to criticise particular applications of the theory, for the 
argument, being cumulative, cannot well be summarized ; but we may note its 
application to Tragedy and the Olympian Games, which are treated in separate 
chapters by Dr. Murray and Mr. Cornford respectively. A leading part in the 
development of both institutions is assigned to the rites of the Euiautos Daimon. 
We may concede that they played a part f for nearly everything in Greek religion 
is of composite origin, but most readers will feel that the case is overstated. The 
evidence for the connection of athletic contests with funeral rites is so abundant, that 
it is hard to believe that the Games of Greece have no connection with the dead. 
And in any case the argument contains something like the fallacy already noted. 
Even if it can be proved that Pelops and other " heroes " were originally not dead 
chiefs, but forms of the Euiautos Daimon, they were still " heroes," i.e., a special 
class of dead men, to the historical Greek, and the games were therefore virtually 
held in honour of the dead. 

And in the Tragedy the argument is far from conclusive. It is significant that 
Dr. Murray has to look to Euripides for his closest parallel to the rites of the 
Euiautos Daimon. That Euripides of all men should have been " working under 
'" the spell of a set traditional form," that he should have turned back to a tradition 
from which his predecessors had broken loose, is a startling suggestion from so 
eminent a scholar. Some of the parallels are close, we admit, but the fact that they 
are found in Euripides (except, of course, in the Bacchce, which stands apart) is 
evidence against the interpretation put upon them. There is another, and simpler, 
explanation of the phenomenon, but it would not commend itself to Dr. Murray. 
Nor, we fear, will many be convinced by the ingenious attempt to remove an obvious 
difficulty, the fact that in Tragedy the peripeteia is from joy to sadness, while in 
the rites of the Daimon it is from sadness to joy. F. R. EARP. 

Anthropology. Haddon : Quiggin. 

History of Anthropology. By A. C. Haddon and A. H. Quiggin. Watts "I A 
<fc Co.,. 1910. Pp. v +155. 1*. net, IL 

This little book consists of a series of chapters on the chief topics of anthro- 
pology each treated chronologically. It would perhaps be more correctly described 
as a collection of material for a history rather than a history itself, as there is no 
attempt at a connected narrative, except in the two first chapters on the Pioneers 
and Systematisers of Physical Anthropology which give an interesting account of 
the origin and rise of anthropological inquiry. 

The authors explain that the arrangement of subjects is based on a syllabus 
drawn up by the University of London, in which anthropology is divided into two 
main groups physical and cultural. The subdivisions under these heads form a 
galaxy of " ologies " ; there are nearly a dozen of them, the only subject escaping 
being language, which figures as linguistic : one almost wonders why it did not come 
into line as phonology ! 

Following the two first chapters before mentioned are those on Anthropological 
Controversies, Antiquity of Man, Psychology, Classification and Distribution of Man. 
That only two short chapters should be devoted to such important subjects as 
archaeology and ethnology points to some lack of proportion, though it must be 
admitted that the authors have managed to compress a large amount of information 
into a small space. Technology, Sociology, and Language each claim a chapter, and 
the last is entitled Cultural Classification and the Influence of Environment, in which 
the work of Gallatin, the Humboldts, Bodin, Buffon, Buckle, and Le Placy are 

[ 131 

Nos. 72-73.] MAN. [1913, 

The time has, perhaps, not yet arrived when a really satisfactory history of 
anthropology in its broadest sense is possible. But when it does it may be surmised 
that such a history will rest on some broad evolutionary principle, by which the 
general progress of discovery and knowledge can be easily seen and grasped, and the- 
exposition presented in a truly narrative form. 

The text is graced by portraits of Tylor, Blumenbach, Broca, Bastian, and 
Pritchard ; one would have liked to have seen these balanced by a few pioneers of 
the New World. In fact the authors have hardly given the New World the attention 
it deserves in a general review of the whole science of anthropology. 

A bibliography and an index of authors are added. 

It is a pity the bibliography, so important and useful in a work of this kind r 
ia not fuller and more equal. For instance, it contains no reference to such authors 
as Tylor, Huxley, Lubbock, Herbert Spencer, A. H. Keane, Topinard, Peschel,, 
Nadaillac, although room is found for Grant Allen, A. B. Gomme, E. Clodd, and 
A. R. Wallace. 

The book is well printed on good paper and is well and tastefully bound. It is,, 
in fact, a marvel of cheapness. E. A. PARKYN. 

Burgundy : Archaeology. Dechelette. 

La Collection Millon ; Antiquites prehistoriques et Gallo-Romaines. By 
Joseph Dechelette, Correspondant de L'Institut, avec la collaboration de MM. 
1'Abbe Parat, le Dr. Brulard, Pierre Bouillerot et C. Drioton. Librairie Paul 
Geuthner, Paris, 1913. 

Archaeologists are sometimes apt to abuse the collector as one who keeps for 
himself what should be accessible to the public in museums. They forget, however, 
that but for collectors many of the most interesting relics of antiquity would have 
disappeared, or would have reached our museums only to be labelled " provenance 
unknown." Still the accumulation of a vast am'ount of important material in private 
collections has grave disadvantages, for though the owners of such treasures are usually 
most hospitable to all real students, the investigator finds his work more than double 
what it would be were all important archaaological " finds " exhibited in the 
neighbourhood of their discovery. 

One step the private collector may take to diminish the inconvenience inseparable 
from such private possession, and that is to issue to the public a full catalogue, well 
illustrated, of all his treasures. This has recently been done by M. Millon, who has 
an unrivalled collection of Burgundiaii objects, and perhaps his example will be 
followed by others similarly placed. 

M. Millon has spent a busy life, having occupied in succession several important 
administrative and judicial posts in Burgundy ; nevertheless he has found time to- 
accumulate a vast collection of objects from the Palaeolithic Age to the Roman Period 
and to conduct not a few explorations on Early Iron Age sites in the province to 
which he belongs. The catalogue under review is really a dissertation upon the 
antiquities of this region as illustrated by the Millon Collection, and the thoroughness 
with which it has been done is not surprising when we find that it has been compiled 
under the editorship of M. Joseph Dechelette. 

MM. 1'Abbe Parat and le Docteur Boulard have written the account of the Stone 
Ages, chiefly illustrated from implements found in the Foret d'Othe, while the Bronze 
Age has been treated by M. Pierre Bouillerot. The detailed descriptions of the exca- 
vations of cemeteries of the Hallstadt and La Tene Periods are, however, the most 
important, and these are by MM. Bouillerot, Dechelette and Clement Drioton. 

It is impossible within the limits of a short review to deal with the vast array of 
facts produced, but the volume serves to emphasize the importance of Burgundy as 

[ 132 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 73-74. 

the first home in France of both types of Iron Age culture, as might have been expected 
from its nearness to the Belfort gap. Those who are dealing with th,e course of 
migrations through France, especially during the later phases of the Bronze Age and 
during the Early Iron Age, will find this work indispensable, and all archaeologists 
should feel grateful to M. Millon for allowing his collection to be so admirably 
described. HAROLD PEAKE. 

Africa, East : Linguistics. Westermann. 

The Shilluk People, their Language and Folklore* By Diedrich Wester- Tlj 
mann. 1912. IT 

This is probably the most important book that has appeared in recent years 
on the negroid inhabitants of the Sudan. It is, however, necessary to remember that 
it is written by one of the first of African philologists as a serious contribution to 
African linguistics, and that in spite of the title that appears upon its cover, it does 
not deal, except incidentally, with the ethnology of the tribe. As a matter of fact 
an introduction of some forty pages is devoted to a general sketch of the history and 
mode of life of the Shilluk, the remarks on religion being the most valuable, while 
the account of the Fung included in this section, though brief, is the most important 
contribution to their history that has yet appeared. It has been necessary to lay 
some emphasis on the plan and purpose of the book, for when this is realised, the 
reader ceases to be irritated by the fragmentary nature of the intensely interesting 
information with which the volume is loaded ; nay, he accepts it gratefully, wondering 
only that no attempt has been made to provide a thread of explanation upon which 
the beads of fact given in the native texts, and their translations might have been 
strung. The first part of the book proper begins with a sketch map by Herr 
Bernhard Struck, showing the languages spoken by the tribes of the Sudan and the 
neighbouring parts of Uganda and British East Africa ; arrows indicate the probable 
migrations of the tribes speaking Shilluk dialects, which include Anuak, Jur, Dembo, 
Belanda, Ber (Beri), Gang, Nyifwa (Ja Luo), Laugo, Alum, Chopi, and perhaps 
Gaya (east shore of Lake Victoria Nyanza), and Jafulu (north-east of Lake Albert, 
Nyanza). A study of the phonetics of the language makes it clear that great 
importance is attached to tones, of which three are recognised, examples being given 
of words which are true homophones, and distinguished only by tone. Moreover, 
grammatical functions may be expressed by tone, singular and plural often being 
so denoted, while a high tone on the last syllable turns the nominative into the 
vocative. In spite of, or probably because of, these developments, homophones are 
not so common as in the West African languages. 

Shilluk is recognised as belonging to a clearly-defined family of African languages 
termed Nilotic and distinguished by the following characters : 

(i.) Mute and fricative sounds are in some cases interchangeable, especially 
p and f. 

(ii.) Many, if not all, of the languages have interdental sounds (jt d n). 

(iii.) The stem in most cases has the form consonant, vowel, consonant. 

(iv.) Stems with a semi-vowel between the first consonant and the vowel are 
frequent. The stem vowel is often a diphthong. 

(v.) Probably intonation plays an important role in most of the languages of 
this family. 

No doubt the Nilotic languages originally belonged to the " Sudan " family, and 
several traits in all these languages point to a common origin, though at the present 
time they can be divided into two great groups, viz., the Niloto-Sudanic and the 
Niloto-Hamitic, all of which show more or less pronounced signs of Hamitic influence. 
It is, then, not surprising that no hard-and-fast line can be drawn between the two 

No, 74-75.] MAN. [1913. 

groups, though in practice it does not seem difficult to allot any particular language 
to its own -division. It is noteworthy that besides Shilluk ami Dinka (including 
Nuer) a number of tribes having physical and cultural characters very different from 
the Nilotes seem to be connected with the Niloto-Sudanic linguistic group. These 
include the Mittu, Madi, Abokaya, Abaka, Luba, Wira, Lendn, and Mom. 

The second part of the book is entitled Folklore, and under this heading are 
given native texts containing, as already mentioned, a vast amount of interesting 
information, though on one matter a curious misconception seems to have crept in.. 
On page 122 mention is made of "Nubians" as living among the Shilluk; it may 
be assumed that the Nuba, the black pagan inhabitants of Southern Kordofan (not 
of Nubia) are meant, but the mistake is a puzzling one ; moreover, Jebel Dyre,. 
mentioned by Bruce, is not Jebel Eliri but Jebel Daier. 

Information concerning the election of the king supplements that published by 
the writer in the Fourth Report of the Wellcome Research Laboratory (Vol. B., 1911) 
and makes it clear that the object called " Nyakang " mentioned as being brought 
from Akurwa at the installation of the king is a wooden statue of Nyakang, and 
that with this was brought a statue of Dag (Dak), his sou and successor. There is- 
also additional information concerning royal burials, including a short account of the 
drowning of a man and woman, who, with spears, cattle, belts, and other valuables 
are laid bound in a boat which is rowed out to the middle of the river and there 
sunk. It would be easy to go on quoting pages of interesting matter, but space only 
allows of reference to the selection of Fashoda as the royal residence on account of 
the unusual behaviour of certain oxen belonging to king Tugo and to the traditions 
concerning Nyakang, one of which relates how the customs of a human foundation 
sacrifice for the " houses " (shrines) of Nyakang arose. C. G. SELIGMANN. 

Africa, East. Fisher. 

Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda. By Mrs. A. B. Fisher (nee Ruth TC 
Hurditch). With illustrations. Marshall Brothers, Ltd. 9x6. Pp. i-x, / U 
1-198. Price 3*. 6d. 

This book is of the popular kind, containing snatches of history, accounts of 
missionary life and work, and some interesting touches of anthropology and folklore. 
The book is divided into fourteen chapters, the first chapter alone having to do with 
Uganda, giving brief accounts of the early travellers who opened the country t 
Western view. After this chapter the author turns to Bunyoro, which country, with 
its people, the book is intended to describe. The title is, therelore, somewhat mis- 
leading, and we are not told why the adjective " Black" is placed before Baganda ; there 
is no mention made of any Baganda of another colour. Chapters III to V contain 
much valuable information about the Bauyoro, and point to a wealth of interesting 
customs, relationships, religion, &c., which still remain to be worked. Chapters VI 
to XIV are taken up with accounts of the legendary history of the people and 
country which cannot fail to interest the anthropologist. The illustrations, which are 
good, have little or no bearing on the text, in fact most of them have nothing to do 
with Bunyoro or its people. Page 37 gives an interesting full moon ceremony ; it is 
thus described : " In the afternoon all the drums in the place were beaten and every- 
" body shouted, as no one dared keep silent for fear of offending the moon. The 
" king posted men at the cross roads and seized everyone who passed along. These 
" unfortunate folk were brought to him and offered as a propitiatory sacrifice for the 
" whole country to the evil spirits. The hair of the victims was put into horns and 
" their blood was poured on to it, the horns being then kept by different people as 
" charms against sickness and trouble. After this the king appeared swathed in 
" barkcloths, taking up his position in his council hall, his subjects coming to do- 

[ 134 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 75-77. 

" obeisance to him. A dead silence prevailed, for no one was allowed to even cough 
" in his presence. First came the herdsmen in procession, as they always held first 
" rank ; then the king's children, followed by the princes, princesses, chiefs, and 
" lastly, the ordinary people ; these all came in single file, and after prostrating 
" themselves before the king, stood on one side till the hall was full. Then all the 
" people broke silence, shouting together, ' Live the King.' As the full moon rose 
" the feasting began, and the drinking and dancing continued till dawn. The king's 
" chief wife had to sit by her intoxicated spouse and pinch his arm or bite his 
" finger, to prevent sleep ; for a man to slumber during full moon brought disaster to 
" the household." Pages 51 and 52 contain some interesting statements about the 
birth of twins a fuller account would have been most valuable. 

We are deeply indebted to Mrs. Fisher for her valuable contribution to our 
knowledge of the Banyoro and the pleasing manner in which she has set out her 
facts. The book is a proof of what may be placed on record by missionaries ; if a 
lady tied by many household duties and the cares of children can find time to gather 
such information, how much more should men do so ? They would soon discover a 
bond of sympathy with the natives hitherto unknown, and be much better able to- 
deal with difficulties in their missionary life, while the information would be of great 
value to students and others interested in the problems of the human race. 


Malta. Bradley. 

Malta and the Mediterranean Race. By R. N. Bradley. With a map and TO 
fifty-four illustrations. 8vo. 336 pp. London : T. Fisher Unwin. 8*. 6rf. net. I 
The archaeology and prehistoric anthropology of the islands of the Mediterranean 
have very deservedly attracted much attention in recent years, and Mr. Bradley's 
book will no doubt be welcome to those who know very little about these subjects 
and wish to know more, but have no time for a prolonged study of them. In his 
first chapter, and indeed at intervals throughout the book, the author avows his 
allegiance to the now fashionable theory that a " Mediterranean race," originating 
" somewhere south of the Sahara," crossed over from Africa into Europe, " and 
" spread over the whole Continent as far as our islands and Scandinavia." To this 
race is attributed all megalithic construction in Europe, Africa, and Western Asia, 
but constructions of a similar character in the Pacific Islands, Peru, Japan, the 
Corea, and Siberia, must, we suppose, have had some other origin, unless, indeed, the 
" Mediterranean race " extended as far south as Australia, as some authorities have 
seemed to suggest. In subsequent chapters Mr. Bradley treats of prehistoric Malta 
and Gozo, including Hal Saflieni and the Torri to Santa Verna, the uses and 
relationship of the monuments, the neolithic objects found, the Maltese race and 
folklore, Semitic and Hamitic language traces, and race characteristics. His treat- 
ment is perhaps rather of a " popular " than a scientific description, but may, for that 
reason, be particularly suitable to the numerous class of readers already indicated- 
It should be added that Mr. Bradley writes with a personal knowledge of the sites 
and the people of Malta and Gozo, and that he finds in the latter much resemblance 
to the Irish. The illustrations are excellent and there is an index of ten pages. 

A. L. L. 

The Alphabet. Petrie 

The Formation of the Alphabet. By Wm. Flinders Petrie. Vol. III. 

Studies Series, British School of Archaeology in Egypt. London : Macmillan 
and Quaritch. Pp. iv + 20 ; nine plates. 

Since 1883, when Isaac Taylor brought out his volumes on the alphabet, in 

which he summed up, with general acceptance, the current doctrines as to the origins 

[ 135 ] 

TTo. 77-78,] MAN. [1913. 

of known alphabets, the progress of discovery and excavation has brought to light 
an enormous mass of material not then available, and Professor Flinders Petrie thinks 
that the time has now arrived to present the result of his enquiries based on all 
existing material. This he has done in his Study on the Formation of the Alphabet 
brought out by the British School of Archaeology in Egypt. His conclusions may 
l)e briefly stated as follows : The alphabet is not to be traced back to the 
hieroglyphic picture writing, but rather to a widespread system of signs prevailing in 
the Mediterranean region, which can be shown to antedate any definite alphabetical 
value. Thus no values are known for prehistoric Egypt, for the earlier Egyptian 
dynasties, for Crete, Phylakopi, or Lachish ; these early signs can only be classified 
ty their forms not by their values. The signs spread throughout the Mediterranean 
region, extending to Sabaea to the south-east and to the Rune-using races to the 
north. The strongest resemblances exist often between systems far apart geographi- 
cally, as, for instance, between Caria on one side and Spain and the Runes on the 
other, and many of the signs in these alphabets are found in Egypt in the Xllth 
dynasty and earlier, so that they evidently have a common origin outside the Phoenician 
group. On these grounds and on others (derived from the presence or absence of 
certain letters and from the order of the alphabet) the Phoenician origin is rejected, 
and the conclusion reached that the various alphabets were selections from a signary 
or widespread body of signs in general use. The systematisation of this alphabet 
Professor Flinders Petrie attributes to North Syria on grounds which may seem to 
some far-fetched. The order of the alphabet seems by general consent to be based 
on the sequence vowel, labial, guttural, dental ; the liquids being added ; there was 
no place for the sibilants, which were inserted afterwards. From this it is argued that 
the arrangement must have been made in some country where sibilants were unknown 
or little used (as in many parts of Polynesia). Such a country, on the evidence of 
Egyptian name-lists, Professor Flinders Petrie finds in North Syria, and he finds 
additional evidence in the prevalence there more than elsewhere of the system of using 
letters as numerals in dates on coins. 

Such, briefly summarised, is the argument set forth in this interesting study, which 
is fully illustrated by carefully-constructed plates of the various signaries, which will 
Jong remain of the highest value to enquirers. Professor Flinders Petrie supports his 
theory by many and cogent arguments, and whether it obtain general acceptance or not 
there can be no doubt that it requires the most careful consideration from every 
student of the subject. M. LONGWORTH UAMES. 


IN Mr. Randall H. Pye, who died suddenly on 29th June, the Royal 
Anthropological Institute loses one of its most valued supporters. He was 
elected a fellow in 1891, and held the post of chairman of the executive committee 
from 1905 until his death. He was but rarely able to attend the evening meetings, 
and only those who worked with him on the committee are fully aware of the 
great debt which the Institute as a whole owes him. In the administration of the 
Institute's business, he played an important part, especially in the sphere of financial 
reform. In this connection he acted as auditor of the Institute's accounts for many 
years. He was an almost ideal chairman, and his genial presence and sound advice 
will be sadly missed by his colleagues. 

THE Institute has accepted an invitation from the University of Oxford Anthropological 
Society to meet in Oxford, jointly with the Folklore Society, on the Thursday in the 
third week of the Summer Term 1914, when Professor Gilbert Murray will read a 
paper on some subject belonging to Social Anthropology. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOGDE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Fast Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 1913. 

FIG. i. 

FIG. 3. 

FIG. 4. 


1913.] MAN. [No, 79. 

Africa, East. With Plate I-J. Browne. 

2,b Circumcision Ceremonies among the Amwimbe. />// G. St. J. "1Q 
Orde Browne. f U 

Conditions are changing so rapidly among the tribes of East Africa that it is 
only a matter of a few years before the customs of the smaller and more insignificant 
sections disappear irrevocably. Under these circumstances the following notes may 
be of interest. The Amwimbe are one of the minor tribes of Eastern Kenya, 
numbering some 35,000 all told ; they are akin to the Akikuyu, but present many 
points of difference in appearance, language, and customs. In particular, they have 
many peculiarities which indicate the influence of their numerous northern neighbours, 
the Mem. 

Among these are the details of their circumcision, which is far more like the 
ceremony as carried out by the Meru than that of the Akikuyu. The writer in the 
course of his official duties recently witnessed the whole ceremony under singularly 
favourable circumstances. No special period is observed among the Amwimbe for 
the ceremony, but it is carried out usually at the beginning of the rainy season, 
when all those who are considered suitable are operated upon. The age varies 
considerably, and depends largely upon the wealth and position of the father of the 
boy or girl. If the boy is an only son, the father is more anxious to hasten the 
function, whereas if he is the third or fourth child, the parents are not. so ready to 
produce the necessary fees, and the matter may be allowed to stand over until the 
youth is almost full grown. Another detail which probably hastens the circumcising- 
of the eldest sou is the fact that the possession of circumcised children is one of 
the qualifications which a man must possess before he can be a member of the 
kiama or elders' council. As a result the boys are usually operated on betweeru 
the ages of twelve and sixteen approximately, while the girls are probably a little? 

The ceremony is a public one at which anyone may be present, though strangers 
are regarded with suspicion ; in this the Amwimbe differ noticeably from the Akikuyu, 
who regard it as highly improper for any boy or young man to witness the circum- 
cision of girls. The operation is regarded as a public function, and the whole village 
participates in the general excitement. For some time previous to the ceremony the- 
novices of each sex have been undergoing a special course of instruction and initia- 
tion from the old people ; in the case of the boys this appears to last for a month 
or more, though with the girls it seems rather less elaborate. The aspirants live 
by themselves in a specially built hut in the forest or jungle, with the particular old. 
man or woman who%se duty it is to instruct them, and are apparently taught the 
general duties of a member of the tribe. 

On the day fixed for the circumcision, a large section of the population of the 
village turns out in ceremonial dress ; parties may be met walking or dancing along 
all the paths leading from the huts. Women of all ages appear in skirts made 
of fibre combed out till it looks like coarse string ; this hangs from the waist to the 
knee, and is worn over the ordinary dress. With this they carry little dancing shields of 
wood, oval in shape and some twelve inches in length, painted in patches with coloured 
clay and ashes ; they also carry short Avooden clubs. Parties of boys also go about 
with a species of long dancing shield of wood which consists of little more than a 
long spindle-shaped piece of wood with a hollow for the hand. This is carried in the 
left hand and is used as a guard for blows from the club which another dancer carries 
in his right hand, the method being similar to quarterstaff play. This dance is much 
in evidence and is also to be seen at other times ; the name of it is mkongoro. 
A variation is made in it by periodical slapping with the club upon the short 

No. 79,] MAN. [1913. 

triangular skin which hangs down over the buttocks. A proportion of the spectators 
smear a ring of millet porridge round their faces, though this seems to be quite 
optional. Among these groups are to be seen the girls who are to be operated upon ; 
they are in different costume from that worn at any other time and are easily 
recognised. They are completely naked except for a fringe of beads and native 
chainwork an inch or so wide round the waist ; the head is shaved, and on the thigh 
is strapped the leg-bell worn by a warrior ; in some cases also a warrior's sword in 
its scabbard is strapped round the waist. A tall conical headdress of colobus monkey 
skin is worn, though this is occasionally omitted, probably owing to the difficulty of 
getting many of the skins, or another fur may take its place. On the face are 
irregular patches of white ash with small dots of red earth. These girls run about 
the paths singing and dancing carrying small sticks ; they are usually very much 
excited and overwrought. 

The boys, on the contrary, do not appear much and do not seem to be worked 
up to the same pitch of excitement. After having bathed in the river they return 
to the village green and seat themselves in a row in a squatting position. They are 
entirely naked and wear no ornaments, nor is the face painted as a rule. Behind 
each lad stands an old man who acts as a sort of " godfather " and who is a friend 
of the boy's father ; this old man receives some small present from the father for his 
part in the ceremony. 

Suddenly, without any particular warning, the operator runs up to the line of 
waiting boys ; they are each squatting with knees apart, elbows resting on knees, 
chin on hands, and eyes turned up. The operator produces a small knife shaped like 
a bay leaf and some three inches in length, with a wooden handle ; being made of 
soft native iron this takes a very sharp edge. The operator seizes the end of the 
foreskin between finger and thumb and draws it as far forward as possible ; he then 
cuts off the extreme end in two cuts, one from each side, the small scraps removed 
being thrown on to the ground and disregarded ; he then takes a fresh grasp of the 
remains of the foreskin, pulls it forward, and makes a transverse slit across it just 
behind the base of the glans penis. This cut just penetrates the skin, and leaves 
a sort of " buttonhole," through which the glans penis is pushed, leaving a ragged 
pucker of skin hanging below it. This eventually heals up and leaves a sort of 
small "tassel" of skin hanging below the base of the glans penis. In this detail 
the Amwimbe resemble the Meru, except that the Meru cut off no skin, but merely 
push the glans penis through the slit, with the result that in their case the hanging 
scrap of skin is much larger. The Akikuyu, on the contrary, remove the skin 
altogether, leaving nothing hanging down. The whole operation is performed with 
surprising speed and dexterity ; the boy sits absolutely still, and there is an amaz- 
ingly small quantity of blood. Immediately the operation is finished the boy leaps 
up into the air, throwing himself backwards into the arms of his " godfather," who 
catches him and wraps a skin or cloth round his waist ; the boy is deposited on the 
ground again and has his face violently rubbed by the old man. This seemed to be 
intended as a preventive against fainting, as several of the boys seemed very much 
shaken and dazed, simple though the operation had looked. 

After a few minutes' rest the boys were assisted to their feet and formed into 
a line, grasping the old men round the waist, while their heads were covered with 
cloths or skins ; in this order they moved off to their huts in the village, which are 
special small huts of grass on the edge of the village built for the occasion. In 
these the boys live for eighteen days, subsisting at first entirely on milk, but after a 
few days eating whatever they wish. Healing is generally fairly rapid, taking from 
a few days up to a month, or occasionally more. The operation does not appear a 
particularly painful or serious one, though the stoical indifference of the negro to 

[ 138 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No, 79. 

pain probably misleads the onlooker, while the shouting and screaming indulged in by 
the crowd effectually drown any groans or cries. The utter absence of any sort of 
antiseptic precautions, or even of mere cleanliness, must render the operation always 
somewhat risky, however. After the disappearance of the boys there was a pause 
of some two hours ; this was occupied by the girls in bathing in the river near by ; 
thev eventually appeared in a procession, singing and shouting in a state of wild 
excitement. They were still naked except for the bead fringe, and their skins were 
still glistening from the very thorough bath that they had just undergone. Each girl 
was attended by from one to three " godmothers," elderly women who occupied the 
same place to the girls as the old men did to the boys. 

The girls then seated themselves in a row in a squatting posture. To attain 
the correct posture each girl stands in front of her " godmother " with her heels 
outside the old woman's feet ; the old woman then squats down, and the girl sinks 
into her lap ; this secures that the legs are suitably spread apart. An oryx horn 
appeared to play an important part in the proceedings ; it was first carried in a circle 
round the novices by one of the old women and was then used to dig small holes for 
the feet to rest in, thus ensuring that the heels remained in the correct position. 

The operator then appeared. She was an old woman in a most elaborate costume 
of bead-trimmed skins ; quantities of bead necklaces were hung round her neck, a 
monkey skin headdress adorned her head, while her eyes were painted in the patches 
usually assumed for ceremonial occasions. Across her chest she wore a sort of cross 
belt of skin embroidered with beads, while she carried the usual skin bag slung from 
one shoulder ; in this was the knife which she used for the operation. 

Before taking their places, the novices ran wildly about the ground shrieking and 
waving their arms ; they also took mouthfuls of millet porridge which they blew about 
into the air ; handfuls of banana seeds were also thrown into the air. 

When they had seated themselves as described, the old woman who was to 
operate advanced on the first girl. The latter was firmly clutched under the arms by 
her " godmother," and the mob surrounding raised a deafening shriek. In the midst 
of an indescribable uproar the operator bent over the girl and seized the labia minora 
between finger and thumb of the right hand ; with the knife in the left hand she cut 
off all that could be drawn out from each side. The operation was performed with 
some deliberation, and took perhaps half a minute, in contrast to the operation on 
the boys, which lasted hardly more than a few seconds. Little blood was shed, and the 
girl appeared to suffer little pain ; the portions removed were thrown on the ground 
and disregarded. Immediately the operation was concluded the " godmother " wrapped 
an apron of skin round the girl's waist ; snuff was given in large quantities ; the belt 
was taken from the shoulders of the operator and hung round the girl's neck ; the 
head was vigorously rubbed with millet flour or some such substance. The girl then 
rested on the lap of her "godmother" while the same operation was performed on 
her neighbour. During the whole of the cutting process the crowd maintained a 
deafening combination of screams, whistles, groans, and shouts of encouragement ; the 
spectators crowded down on the ring and were with difficulty kept sufficiently far off 
to allow the ceremony to proceed ; everyone shrieked and gesticulated, and sticks and 
other missiles were freely thrown about. All this rendered the careful observation of 
details most difficult, and the taking of notes and photographs was only accomplished 
in the most haphazard way. 

When all the candidates had been operated upon the old women formed a pro- 
cession in single file ; behind them came the girls, each with her head beneath a 
skin apron, which was hung from the shoulders of the one in front. In this 
formation they returned to the village, to live in the small specially-erected houses 

[ 139 ] 

No. 79-80,] MAN. [1913. 

In the evening a second operation takes place, in which the remainder of 
the lahia minora and a portion of the labia majora are trimmed away. This is 
said to be very painful, and to entail the loss of a considerable amount of blood ; 
it is not, however, considered as such an important ceremony as the morning- 
one, and is not attended by the same crowds ; it is performed by a different old 
woman, who receives smaller fees than the chief operator of the morning. 

The whole operation is said to have a very trying effect on the victims, and there 
is a tendency among the younger people to try to modify the rigours of the present 
system, and to bring it into accordance with that of the Akiknyu ; it is said that the 
present harsh method has only existed for two or three generations, and that the 
original method was not so severe on the victims. 

After the ceremony both sexes lead a quiet and idle life ; as healing takes place,, 
considerable, if not complete, sexual licence is allowed, though compensation is 
exacted for the birth of a child in the case of an unmarried girl, just as in ordinary 
times. The local " wise man " pronounces a charm to make the girls fertile after 
the ceremony, since previous to the operation all girls are under a special charm,, 
which prevents any undesired results of casual intercourse. 

The ceremony is generally regarded as a matter for congratulation, and a boy 
looks forward eagerly to the day when he will cease to be a child. There is no- 
sign of the custom dying out, even among the most sophisticated of the natives ; 
occasional attempts which have been made by missionaries, in different parts of the 
country, to suppress or modify the practice have met with the bitterest opposition. 

On the whole the ceremony can scarcely be regarded as immoral or pernicious; 
very few Europeans are in a position to speak with the slightest authority on the 
question of the educative side of this custom, and there is a sad tendency in 
some circles to endeavour to replace knowledge by predjudice. Taking into 
account the very low view of morals adopted by the native according to European 
ideas, or ideals, the writer is inclined to consider that the circumcision rites have, 
in the main, 'a wholesome effect on the young people, though abuses may easily 
creep in. 

(Photographs : Fig. 1, circumcision of girl ; Fig. 2, circumcision of boy ; Fig. 3,. 
female operator ; Fig. 4, male operator holding knife in his hand.) 


Fiji. Hocart. 

On the Meaning of the Fijian Word Turanga. By A. M. Hocart. 

The Fijian word turanga is invariably translated " chief." The translation 
is unfortunate ; by chief we mean the headman, the person who leads a community. 
The word turanga may, indeed, be used to designate the chief when the context or 
circumstances make it plain. A stranger coming into the village and enquiring after 
the turanga means the chief. But it is absurd to speak of Mbau as a village of 
" chiefs," as is done in some books, or to say that half the population of Tumbou, 
in Lakemba, are " chiefs." Such expressions make the uninitiated think of a South 
American army where the officers outnumber the men, or they may be led to infer that 
the chiefs of various districts congregate in certain villages as capitals. Most of 
the so-called " chiefs " have no more claim to that title than the members of a royal 
family to that of king. They are ultimately descendants of some chief ; if they are 
leading personalities among his issue they may be eligible to the chieftainship ; they 
may even wield unofficially more power than the actual chief, to whom they may 
be superior in rank ; but they are not the consecrated heads of the tribe or district.- 
What makes them turanga is their blood ; it is therefore simpler and more accurate 

* ng=ng as bring ; -nyff = ng in finger ; dh=th in this. 
'[ 140 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 80. 

to translate the word as "nobleman," and to reserve the word "chief" for that ore 
of them who has been elected to reign. 

Such, then, is the present meaning of turanga. Was it the original one ? The 
etymology reveals as yet no earlier meaning. We are probably right in recognising 
in it the syllable tu, which expresses rank or eminence, and occurs as the title of 
certain chiefs, as Roko Tu Vuma or the " Noble Lord of Vnma," Tu Navutu or 
*' Lord of Navntu." More often i is suffixed : Tui Levuka, Tu also occurs in ratu, 
*' sir." The last two syllables of the word turanga remain nnanalysed. 

There is one usage of the word, however, that sets us thinking, namely, its 
usage as a polite expression for " old man," instead of the usual nggase. They will 
say Sa lako mai e ndua na kena turanga. for " An old gentleman has come " ; 
koira na kena turanga is " the elders." 

We might at first be inclined to dismiss the case as quite simple ; respect for 
old age expresses itself in the substitution of the term nobleman for old man. Such 
an explanation may satisfy those who have not yet realised that in ethnology, as in 
other sciences, a strict determinism must be enforced ; they are quite contented when 
they have traced a phenomenon to some sentiment or instinct, and do not trouble to 
explain why that sentiment should have taken this form rather than another. That 
there is such a thing as respect for age, and that it finds expression in our language 
and actions, everyone knows ; what we wish to know further is why this and that 
form should have come to express it. 

Moreover, in our present case the psychological explanation stumbles at the 
outset over a small detail ; the expression " true turanga " (turanga ndina) always, 
at least in the Lau group, means " elderly gentleman," " reverend signior," and not 
a " true blooded nobleman," as we might expect. Now, if ethnology is to be deter- 
ministic, the smallest detail must harmonise with the theory as well as big facts, and 
this detail does not harmonise with the rough-and-ready explanation suggested above. 
Let us try and see what will follow if turanga be supposed originally to have meant 
an elder, an ancient, perhaps a married man, and has in course of time changed its 
meaning to " nobleman," and that the original sense survives in the custom of 
describing an old man as " real turanga" 

If we accept this hypothesis we can at once understand why formerly young 
noblemen in Mbau were spoken of as " youth so and so " (ngone ho ka) ; why in 
Nandrau in the Highlands a nobleman was not called turanga till he was married ; 
why in most parts, if not all, young noblemen, including the chief, even till advanced 
middle age, are never called purely and simply turanga, but always ngone turanga, 
that is turanga youth.* 

We have a parallel for this supposed change of meaning of the word turanga. 
The ordinary word for an old man is nggase ; now in recent times it has come to 
be used of certain functions imported by the white man, quite regardless of the 
holder's age. Thus a schoolmaster is nggase ni vuli (" old man of the school "), a 
school praefect is nggase ni mbure ("old man of the dormitory "). Servants will also 
speak of their master as nouggu nggase (" my old man "). 

We have more than a parallel ; we have the very counterpart in the use of 
dhauravou (" youth ") among the hill tribes. There the nobles are called turanga, 
but the common people dhauravou, and this word is there the equivalent of the 
coastal Jtaisi. Sometimes ngone ("child," "youth") is applied to the younger and 
inferior branch of the nobility, thus in Nanggelewai, Leaikini told me that the elder 
branch was buried in a cave, but " we, the children," at the foot of it. As a 
matter of fact the " children " were much of the same age as the leading noblemen. 

* Jeune Jille. in South Belgium is used in the sense of spinster, and I have heard of a spinster 
describing herself as rieille jeitne Jille (" old voung girl "). 

[ 141 ] 

No. 80.] MAN. [1913. 

Another parallel usage is that of tuaka (" elder brother ") and tadhi (" younger 
brother ") ; tribal brothers rank as elder or younger, not according to their own age 
but according to that of the own brothers from whom they are descended, and, 
therefore, according to rank.* 

A word like turanga, for which it seems possible to find a derivation, cannot 
claim as high an antiquity as the unanalysed nggase. The conclusion is that nggasc, 
or, in some parts, nggala, mangua, are the original terms, and that turanga is a 
respectful title for the ancients of a tribe, or possibly for a certain grade of age. 
The western word for an old man is tutu nggavanggwa, which also contains the 
word /, and means " those that stand firm " ; it is obviously not an ancient word but 
a title that has displaced the original word for old man. 

The change in the meaning of turanga cannot have been spontaneous ; there is 
no more spontaneity in ethnology than in biology. We have to imagine a social 
change that will explain the change of meaning, and the social change that most 
naturally occurs to one is the substitution of hereditary chiefs for a gerontocracy. 

In effect, what strikes an investigator among the hill-tribes is the greater 
prominence of the old men in all rites ; offerings are even made to them, and it was 
clear among the tribe of Nandereivalu that they were not receiving them as mediums 
of the ghosts, but as old men " who," as my informant put it, " are already ghosts. ' r 
Likewise, among the Navatusila tribe in Naivudhini, before war each man presented 
two taro roots to each old man, " that is by reason of the kalou.^ The old man 
" receives the offering ; the old man is like a kalou ; he is old. . . . An old 
" man did not plant, but stayed in the house like a ghost ; he was about to die.'* 
Every religious rite is in the same way presided over by the old men, and religious 
rites were evidently far more important among the hill tribes than on the coast,, 
where attendance on the chiefs had absorbed much of the energies of the tribe. As 
near the coast as Na Mata it is recorded that the offerings made to the Spirit were 
diverted from him to a noble lady from Mbau, and to her issue, who owed their 
nobility to her. 

In the west of Viti Levu there are many tribes that hardly had any chiefs at 
all. The Nggaliyalatina tribe lived dispersed in clansj till British rule. The Mba 
tribes were distinctly under the rule of elders, one from each tribe, bearing the title, 
it is said, of tui, these were definitely stated to be " priests "- (mbete) ; they were 
installed with elaborate ceremonies called veimbuli, a word applied in the eastern 
part to the creation of chiefs. 

Even in the extreme east the old men preside over the ceremonies that centre 
round the chiefs, as in the hills they controlled religious rites. Under the late High 
Chief of Lau (d. 1903) they used to spend much of their time in his house, gathered 
round kava and discussed matters, while some young nobleman brewed the kava 

* We shall find it convenient, I think, in ethnological discussions to distinguish between older 
and senior, younger and junior. By senior we understand one who ranks as older, and by junior 
one who is treated as younger, quite irrespective of the true ratio of years. In the following pedigree 

I __ 

I I 

B C 

D E J K 

E is senior to J though he may actually be younger. In Fiji a distinction is hardly made between 
seniority and age. 

f Ghost. See "On the meaning of the Fijian word, kalou." Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., 1912,, 
Vol. XL1L, p. 437. 

J Not exogamous. 

[ 142 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 80-81. 

for them and attended, all ears but no tongue. This is indeed a familiar experience 
all over Fiji. In formal kava drinking the chief sits at the top flanked by the 
herald* ; on either side sits a single row of elders, while the young, nobles included, 
huddle behind the kava bowl or help in the making. When there is a feast the 
old men of all ranks assemble in one house and talk over the kava with Olympian 
calm, while the youths and middle-aged men, nobles and commoners, pile up the 
food outside, prepare the oven, and come to report to the elders. At church the elders 
sit behind the pulpit, while the younger folk form the mass of the congregation. 

The word turanga, therefore, leads us back to gerontocracy ; it is properly the 
title of the old men who sit in informal council over feasts and ceremonies, even as 
may be seen at the present day. The sacrosanct chiefs and their families usurped 
their title with part of their functions. As chieftainship goes by seniority, and 
seniority is not distinguished from age, the transference of turanga to the nobility 
was an easy one. That is why at the present day turanga is used of an old man, 
a father, a senior, and a nobleman. A. M. HOCART. 

Cape Colony: Archseology. Abbott. 

Pygmy Implements from Cape Colony. />'// /' / Leicis Abbott. Q1 

F.R.A.I., F.G.S. 01 

Some two years ago the veteran Colonel Fielden, of Arctic fame, received from Mr. 
J. M. Bain, from the base of the Sand-dunes of Fishook, Cape Colony, a series of pygmy 
implements which are of special interest. In Europe the pygmy work commenced with 
the Cave period of France, where it is marked by special edge-working of two kinds : 
firstly, the diminutive flaking (of which there are several varieties), which was in 
all probability effected by a strip of bone with a saw-setter slot ; and, secondly, by 
the removal of the old edges, by one blow administered at the point or butt, when 
it was desired to put on a new edge. These "old edges," as I have called them 
for want of a better name, have been regarded as highly specialized tools under 
different names, and the implements when so treated have been figured as " double 
graving tools " ; but they are in reality nothing more than the products of this 
characteristic method of working. I have hundreds of them from the French caves 
and other settlements of people who employed this method of working. These I 
shall be pleased to describe on a future occasion. 

So distinctive are these two methods of working, that we can trace the migra- 
tions of their employers through time and space ; we can see them here adding one 
new form, and there another ; here one type dominant, there another one dying out. 
Some races (or colonies) would develop diminutive almost microscopic forms of a 
certain group, such as the tiny crescents and oblique-pointed lancets of Scnnthorpe, 
and several localities in Cornwall, where these minute tools were sometimes not 
more than 3 or 4 mm. long ; or the tiny leaf-shape things at the Hastings Kitchen 
Middens, so light that the least breeze wafts them away, and the removed flakes 
are not more than a five-hundredth of an inch wide. With the succession of time 
in Belgium, and other places on the continent, we see a similar addition of 
characteristic forms. 

In this country the pygmies were mostly worked from fresh black flint ; and in 
many stations they are almost as fresh to the naked eye as if they had been worked 
but yesterday. In many cases they have been in an altering matrix, and have 
" blued," whitened, or porcelainized ; cross-sections show the alteration in all thick- 
nesses, from partial surface covering to complete metamorphosis. This state of 
affairs, I believe, obtains all over Europe. At the north-east of Hastings, in what I 
believe to be a station of Magdalinean age, large numbers of palaeolithic implements 

* See Journ. Rvy. Anthr. Ingt., 1913, Vol. XLIII, p. 109. 

No. 81.] MAN. [1913. 

occur, aiul still greater quantities of thin flakes or blades ; they are stained of a 
uniform light orange brown. These attracted the attention of the Hastings Kitchen 
Midden men, and they re-worked them with their characteristic edge-work into their 
quaint shapes. But it is easy to see the two ages of the flakings and workings. In 
India the local varieties of silica semi-opal, chalcedony, jasper, and other forms 
were employed in their manufacture. In some places we find the native rocks used ; 
in others material the locality of which we do not know. These now under descrip- 
tion from Fishook are made from a very peculiar porphyretic pitchstone, closely 
approaching obsidian. In colour it is usually a very light grey, sometimes it is a 
jasper red. At first appearance it looks like a fine micro-quartz-porphyry, with here 
and there evidence of flow structure. The enclosed quartz occurs in quite minute 
blebs ; very rarely one sees indications of crystalline outline. The surfaces of the 
implements have suffered a good deal of absorbtion, and in some cases so much so 
that the interfacettial ridges are by no means sharp, and they are often decidedly 
sand-polished, or what would be called patinated. This is only what one would 
expect from their association with sand-dunes. The little things from the Culbin 
Sunds and other Scottish localities are in a similar state. One also notices that the 
minute cracks in these South African things often contain kaolin. It should not be 
difficult to trace up the rock from which these are made, and I hope that by doing 
this with all pygmy implements, we may be able to trace the wanderings of their 
users. The two shown from Basutoland are of a dense black fine grain basalt. I 
have had specimens of these not more than 8 mm. in diameter. 

Although the material of the Fishook implements is of fairly even structure 
throughout, it cannot be said to be homogeneous, consequently it is by no means so 
easy to work as flint, nor, indeed would it always lend itself to the same treatment, 
and here comes the interesting points of racial conservatism : the forms, and with 
these one would think the purposes, whatever they were, for which they were used, 
were survivals in the race, from the land of flint, and closely allied varieties of silica. 
These forms could not possibly have originated in a land where their attainment was 
impossible. In some groups, the thinness of the flakes admitted the old slot method 
to be employed, but in others it was quite impossible, and free-flaking appeared 
uppermost in the minds of the people. But whatever the method, the object was the 
same, and the desired forms the same. Very often the material would lend itself to 
fairly parallel flaking, so that blades 20 to 30 mm. by 3 or 4 mm. occur in fair 
numbers. These were then worked with the slot -work into the characteristic 
quaint shapes, identical with European specimens. We note in some of these that, 
in running the flaker up the edge the backward and forward movement took off the 
the tiny flakes from both faces, giving rise to an almost rectangular edge. In others 
the upper wall of the flaker would only act as a lever and the arm working would 
be elevated, so that the cutting-edge Avould form a more acute angle. There is yet 
the other great feature in these South African things that associates them with the 
European, viz., the striking off" the worked edges when a new edge or tang was wanted 
and the production of the " old edges," and " tanging pieces." 


Nos. 1 and 2 are excellent examples of posteriorly approaching sides obliquely 
pointed, lancet group ; they are triangular in section, the third or shorter being the 
operating edge. They show work from both upper and lower faces, and are very 
hard worn. 

Fig. 3 is another variety ; it is triangular in section, as are the last-named ; 
the edges approach towards the point ; before meeting an oblique cutting edge with 
a very sharp point was put on. 



[No. 81. 

Fig. 4 is another variety of this group ; the thin edge is curved, and the cutting 
dge oblique. 

Fig. 5 is a beautiful example of the acicular point group, where an edge is 
nearly or quite straight, with the practically rectangular work, and the other more 
bowed and thinner. Its pink colouring and the arrangement of the enclosures cause 
it to look like a mierographic granite. The members of this group are specially 

interesting, as not only do they agree in size and characteristic shape with the 
Hastings Kitchen Midden things, but they are worked with the rectangular, rectilinear 
work, with facets removed from both faces, as is the case with the bone-slot work, 
although the worn condition precludes the preservation of the delicate work. 

Fig. 6 is a beautiful little example of one of those " old edges " previously 
referred to, which has been struck off the implement when it was desired to put 

No. 81.] MAN. [1913. 

a new edge upon it. It is, indeed, exceedingly interesting to get this method of 
working associated with these things in South Africa. 

Fig. 8 is a nicely bi-syminetrical, very long thick, leaf-shape ; obtusely worked all 
round, by a method which does not appear quite the same as the foregoing. But the 
extent of the sand-polishing and surface-alteration is so great that the finer structures 
are destroyed. 

The Crescents. The members of this group are of special interest, as it is quite 
certain that these implements could have been used for no purpose that has been 
claimed for European crescents. 

Figs. 19-21 are worked from dorsal-ridged flakes, edged with the slot-flaker. 

Fig. 20 shows a dorsal ridge running across the implement. The cutting edges 
are produced by the bottom wall of the slot-flaker. 

Fig. 24 shows one of these in the process of making, one side being quite 

Fig. 22 is worked from a thick ridge-back blade, with the chord beautifully 
worked (monohedrally) ; the points, however, are put on by percussion, and a good 
portion of the edge is left untouched, so that the implement loses the pure crescendo 

Fig. 23 is in every way similar, only that it is worked from a concave ridge- 
back flake. 

Figs. 9-18 show an interesting series of the true crescents. It will be seen that 
these are not worked from thin blades, nor brought into the desired forms by the 
slot-flaker, but by percussion, and as it does not appear that man had yet learned 
that too obtuse a striking angle, in relation to the force employed, only caused the 
flaking-planes to resolve, the ought-to-have-been pits-of-percussion are absent, and 
in their places we have parallel resolution pits, and the whole surface is hackly 
(celoclastic). It will also be noticed that these crescents are often not half again as. 
long as wide, and not twice as wide as thick, which renders them inoperative and 
inapplicable for any of the purposes which have been claimed for the English 
crescents ; but their cresoentic outline is maintained with less variation of detail than 
in the European forms. 

Fig. 25 shows one in process of being formed by percussion. 

Associated with the pigmy industry in some, but not all, places are minute more 
or less horseshoe shaped scrapers, sometimes they become absolute circles ; they are 
sometimes smaller than those shown. 

The pygmy industry is essentially a monohedral one (i.e., the flakes are all 
removed from one face only). Fig. 26, however, is a disc worked by percussion from 
both faces. 

These latest additions to the pygmy industry open up a fruitful field for thought 
to every working anthropologist. Of the users of these little things we know nothing, 
but the altered condition of the material, the sand polished and worn edges and 
kaolin ization, point to a great age ; even the basalt ones, which at first glance might 
appear fresh and sharp, when examined more closely are seen to have been altered, 
some very much so, the iron oxidized and all the ridges rubbed down. 

It is obvious that the prototypes of these shapes could not have originated in a 
country where the native material did not lend itself to their manufacture ; but in one 
where a homogeneous silica, such as flint, was the common indigenous material ; and 
in following up the search for these interesting little objects, we shall be getting 
together the material to show the migrations of this old race over the face of the 
earth, and perhaps be able to trace it to its cradle. W. J. LEWIS ABBOTT. 

P.S. Since writing the above I have had the surprising pleasure of seeing 
a collection of these little things presented by Miss Nina Layard to the Ipswich 

[ 146 ] " 

1913.] MAN. [No. 81 82. 

Corporation. They are not only similar in shape and work, but the material appears 
the same as those from South Africa. But what is more remarkable still, they are 
found in Australia ; they carry the legend that they " were used 200 years ago by 
the natives," a time long enough to relegate them to the prehistoric. I hope to- 
be able to find out more about these most interesting things from the other end of 
the earth, which point to another example of those great migrations about which we 
have been learning of late years. W. J. L. A. 

Japan : Folklore. Hildburgrh. 

Seven Japanese Variants of a Toothache-charm, including: a OH 

Driven Nail. By W. L. Hildburgh. QL 

An excellent example of the variations of a popular charm, according to the 
district (or even the part of the district) where it is practised, is afforded by certain 
Japanese forms of the procedure of driving a nail or a spike into some object for. 
the purpose of relieving toothache. The series illustrates the difficulty with which 
the folklorist may be faced when trying to select the essential feature of a charm of 
which he knows one or two forms only. In each variant the charm is given in full 
detail, as received by me or as printed in books, showing the ceremonial which may 
gather by degrees about a simple performance. 

(a.) Upon a sheet of paper draw a diagram of the mouth, showing the tongue 
in the centre, and representing each tooth by a small mark. (The diagram is to be 
drawn with the part representing the left side opposite to the actual left side, as in 
a mirror, not as in a portrait.) Fasten this paper by a number of bamboo spikes, 
either angular or round (the paper must not be pasted up), to the wall of a room in 
which one is accustomed to spend much time a bedroom, or the kitchen, for example 
near to the floor. Then, with a few light taps of a hammer, drive another bamboo 
spike through the mark corresponding to the diseased tooth, at the same time request- 
ing either Fudo-san or Jizo-san (some people favour one of these deities, some the 
other) to cure the tooth. Should the tooth continue to ache, drive the spike a little 
further into the wall, with renewed requests for a cure. (Recorded by me at Kyoto.) 

(6.) A knife is flourished about in front of the patient's face (this action probably 
corresponds to threatening the disorder with a knife, as is done in some charms for other 
purposes), and a sheet of paper folded in a certain manner is then cut along the folds 
with this knife. One of the sheets thus produced is marked by biting upon it with 
the aching tooth, and is afterwards returned to its original position amongst the others. 
Then all are fastened up by several nails driven through them in the upper part of a 
room. (Recorded by me at Nikko.) 

(c.) Stand, with the feet together, upon a piece of white paper placed on the 
floor and draw a line (which will resemble the outline of a human face) around the 
outside of them.* Within this line draw eyes, a nose, and a mouth containing a full 
set of teeth, making the offending tooth quite black, and the two teeth at its sides 
slightly black. Then fold the paper in eight folds, drive a nail through it, and finally 
throw it into a running stream. (Quoted in The Sightless City, 1905.) 

(c?.) "Inscribe on a slip of wood certain incantations (given) in the ordinary 
' Chinese character, in the seal character, and in Sanskrit. Beside the inscription 
" make two circles. If the toothache is in the upper jaw knock a new nail with a 
" purified hammer into the upper circle ; if in the lower jaw into the lower circle. 
" If the pain does not go away continue knocking the nail with the hammer. The 

* To cure toothache ink the sole of one foot and take an imprint of it upon a sheet of paper, 
then paste the paper upon the kitchen door. For a tooth on the right side print the right foot ; 
for one on the left side the left foot. (Reported to me as given by an old woman at Kamakura). 

[ 147 J 

No, 82-83,] MAN. [1913. 

*' slip of wood should be afterwards thrown away into a stream." (Quoted in Aston's 
Shinto, as taken from Bakiu's Yenzeki Zass/ti.) 

(e.) Write the verses of a certain charm (given) upon a piece of paper, and nail 
this upon a pillar. Whenever the tooth hurts subsequently drive the nail a little 
further in. (From a book of charms and recipes published at Kyoto about 1843.) 

(y.) A written charm, which is rolled np so that the writing is hidden, is pre- 
pared by a fortune-teller and is brought to the patient's home, where it is transfixed 
by a nail. Should the pain return the nail is driven further into the paper. 
(Recorded by me at Yokohama.) 

(<7.) " Sufferers from toothache sometimes stick needles into the yanagi (or willow) 
" tree, believing that the pain caused to the tree-spirit will force it to exercise its 
* 4 power to cure." (Hearn, Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan, pp. 598-599.) 

NOTE. Amongst the Ainu, "For toothache a nail is heated to a white heat and 
*' is held on the affected tooth for a few seconds. This is said to kill the insects 
*' which are supposed to be the origin of the malady." (Batchelor, The Ainu and 
"Their Folklore, 1901, p. 293.) W. L. HILDBURGH. 

Religion. Frazer. 

The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead. By J. G. QQ 
Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D. Vol. I, The Belief among the Aborigines 00 
of Australia, the Torres Straits Islands, New Guinea and Melanesia. London : 
Macmillan & Co., Limited, 1913. 

It is not easy to offer any criticism, however modest, on this first volume of a 
new work by Professor Frazer without knowing somewhat more than he. is pleased, 
in the preface and introductory lecture, to reveal of the plan and extent of the 
whole. The volume consists of the Gifford Lectures delivered by the author at 
St. Andrews in the years 1911 and 1912. "The theme here broached is," as he 
says, " a vast one." Apparently it is his intention to pursue it through the remaining 
"principal races of the world both in ancient and modern times." If pursued on 
the same scale he will need the legendary age of the ancient patriarchs to complete 
it and give us his conclusions ; and we shall need a still further term to peruse and 
consider them. It is, to be sure, a subject of enormous interest. For that very 
. reason his readers many of them at least will be anxious rather to learn the 
author's conclusions and see the evidence marshalled to reach them, in the manner 
of a considered judicial pronouncement, than to busy themselves with the details 
and comparative irrelevancies that are inevitable in the course of the trial. This 
will be more particularly the case with those who are not anthropologists or 
specially students of comparative religion ; and of such readers the attraction of 
Professor Frazer's writing has gathered a large and increasing number. But even 
his disciples in the study of comparative religion, to whom many of the facts here 
set forth will be familiar, will prefer not to wait until the twentieth volume to 
ascertain whither their master is leading them. 

No doubt the very details, and even irrelevancies (if such there be), are 
abundantly interesting, and are made doubly so by the author's ma.nner of presenta- 
tion. It would be rank ingratitude to forget this. No doubt also from time to time 
he allows portions of his conclusions to peep through his descriptions or to direct 
the various and often incisive comments, both incidental and those with which he 
sums up the practices of the different peoples under review. So far as they do so, 
however, they are fragments ; and we may be pardoned for desiring to see, within 
some period ordinarily measurable to mortal men, the disjecta membra pieced 

[ 148 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 83. 

together and clothed with flesh and blood by the consummate art displayed in other 
works coming from the same practised hand. 

Dr. Frazer begins in a business-like way by defining the object and method 
of the work and the terms he intends to use. The method he states is historical, 
though in the present volume, dealing with tribes that have no written records, 
description necessarily takes the place of history. Starting from the lowest known 
savages, the rites and beliefs examined do indeed disclose progress as we go to the 
more advanced. It does not follow that the more elaborate rites and higher beliefs 
have all evolved in the same way, or from exactly the same stage that we find 
among the lowest savages. Whatever the original germ was, its evolution has been 
modified, if not by what Dr. Frazer calls the inward experience, at all events by 
the outward experience, of every several people. In other words, there is a definite 
correlation between rite and belief on the one hand, and the organisation, external 
environment, and general civilisation of a people on the other hand. The author by 
implication insists on this repeatedly; and it should be remembered, lest his use of 
the word " historical " to designate his method lead to misconception. 

Another term liable to misconception is " immortality." It is perhaps unfortunate 
that he has chosen it to express " life after death," though no other single word 
would convey the meaning. But he takes care to explain that, as he uses it, it 
means simply the survival of a conscious human personality after death, without any 
implication as to the length of that survival. It is one of the inconsistencies of 
savage belief that, though many tribes do not recognise the necessity of death, holding 
that death is invariably due to witchcraft or to envious or malicious spirits (whether 
human or non-human), they still vaguely say of the departed of their own tribe whom 
they have forgotten, when pressed on the subject, that they have ceased to exist, or 
even expressly assert, like the Fijians here mentioned, or the Dyaks of Borneo, that 
there is a death beyond death, whereby the soul is utterly annihilated. 

Professor Frazer points out that he is by no means dealing with the whole of 
savage religion. The cult of the dead is only a part of it. Concerning euhemerism 
he says : " Regarded as a universal explanation of the belief in gods it is certainly 
" false ; regarded as a partial explanation of the belief it is unquestionably true ; 
" and perhaps we may even go further and say that the more we penetrate into the 
" inner history of natural religion the larger is seen to be the element of truth con- 
" tained in euhemerism." Possibly he may, in the course of future volumes, give 
reasons for the faith that is in him. Meanwhile I may be allowed to enter a caveat- 
so far as concerns Kibuka, the war-god of the Baganda, to whom he casually refers 
on a later page. Admitting that this deity's story is " more or less mythical," as it 
unquestionably is, he expresses the opinion that " his personal relics, which are iio*v 
" deposited in the Ethnological Museum at Cambridge, suffice to prove his true 
" humanity." That these personal relics are of human origin there need be no doubt. 
But that comes very far short of proving the true humanity of Kibuka. Europe in 
both Pagan and Christian times swarmed with false relics ; and doubtless it has plenty 
still, despite repeated purifications in which popes, as well as lesser ecclesiastics, have 
taken part. I have adduced elsewhere (xxiii, Folk-Lore, 136-37) other reasons for 
scepticism as to the true humanity of Kibuka and his brother Mukasa. Here I will 
only insist that the existence of alleged personal relics is an utterly insufficient 

Passing from the preliminary lecture, before entering on the main subject, two 
lectures are devoted to the savage theories on the subject of death and myths on 
its origin. After a careful analysis of these, the author points out that some eminent 
modern biologists have been led by a consideration of the lower organisms to agree 

L 149 ] 

No. 83.] MAN. [1913. 

with the savage view that death is not a natural necessity. This is not the only 
subject on which scientific speculation agrees with that of the lower culture, though 
of course it is founded on quite different considerations. In the present case death 
is held to he an innovation for the good of the breed, to prevent exhaustion of the 
food supply and the deterioration of the race. 

The body of the work is chiefly a reproduction of the accounts of missionaries 
nd scientific explorers of the beliefs of the various peoples named on the title- 
page, as explicitly stated by themselves, and of the rites and practices from which 
belief is to be inferred. It need only be said here that, given the scale on which 
Dr. Frazer has treated them, their treatment leaves little to be desired. We find all 
his conscientious, even meticulous accuracy, his care amid the details to bring out 
the important aspects,- and his illuminating and frequently humorous comment. 

There may be some doubt whether the author is right in regarding the com- 
memorative ceremonies of the Arunta as originally intended to multiply the totemic 
animal or plant. In view of the fact that the magical ceremonies are divorced from 
the commemorative in the most northerly tribes, and that even among the Warramunga 
the magical purpose said to exist in. the minds of the people is hardly visible in the 
commemorative rites themselves, the question of the original purpose of the com- 
memorative ceremonies demands careful reconsideration. Here we may note that 
although the cult of the dead is in an undeveloped condition throughout Australia, 
Messrs. Spencer and Grillen seem to have somewhat overstated the facts when they 
say that " amongst the Central Australian natives there is never any idea of appealing 
*' for assistance to any one of these Alcheringa ancestors in any way, nor is there 
" any attempt made in the direction of propitiation," except in the case of the 
Wollunqua snake. Their own description of the treatment of the churinga, which 
are mysteriously associated with, if not in some sense an embodiment of, the ancestors, 
indicates both propitiation and appeals for assistance, if in a crude and rudimentary 
form. One thing that has operated among the central tribes, if nowhere else, to 
retard the evolution of the cult of the dead has been the highly systematized belief 
in re-incarnation. Where such a belief is less systematized it does not seem to have 
that effect. 

Is the conjecture well founded that the cutting and wounding by mourners over 
the corpse or the grave in Australia and the islands of Torres Straits were intended 
to strengthen the dead ? The blood of sacrificial victims is so represented in Homer ; 
but. those victims were not human, and it was not shed at a funeral ceremony. The 
twelve Trojan youths whom Achilles slew at the pyre of Patroklos were slaughtered 
out of unsatiated revenge, or perhaps to accompany him as slaves to Hades. Whatever 
may have been the reason, we are not told that their blood was shed upon the corpse, 
still less that the ghost imbibed it and was strengthened. We are not even definitely 
told that this was the purpose of lashing the boys on the grave of Pelops. But 
even if we had been told so, it would not follow that what was true in Greek 
barbarism would be equally true in a more savage society and quite a different 
environment. Moreover, in the final burial ceremony among the Arunta, in which 
blood is freely spilt on the grave by women who stand in certain relations to the 
deceased, that specific rite is immediately preceded by Avhat Dr. Frazer accurately 
describes as a ghost -hunt, beginning at the camp where the man died, chasing 
the unhappy ghost thence to the grave, and beating and stamping it down into the 
earth. When it is over the mourning is ended, and though the ghost is still per- 
mitted to watch over his friends, guard them from harm, and even visit them in 
dreams, he must abstain from frightening them. It does not look as if the intention 
were to strengthen him, but rather to preclude him as far as possible from any 

.[ 150 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 83-84. 

activity that may incommode the survivors. If the offering of blood be meant to 
do more than unite the deceased, on the principles of magic, by one more bond in 
mystic relation with the survivors, before committing him to his last home, the 
meaning is at least not obvious. 

But to comment in this way on the various passages of this profoundly interesting 
book that offer themselves to observation would occupy far greater space than any 
reasonable reviewer would dare to ask. I must content myself with adding one or 
two summary notes. I could have wished that Professor Frazer had taken advantage 
of the opportunity to consider somewhat more fully the position of that strange little 
people, the Mafulu, who seem from Mr. Williamson's careful account of them to be 
equally innocent of magic and religion. Or to put it more exactly, they seem, despite 
a relatively advanced civilisation, to have magic and religion merely in germ. Probablv 
more exploration must be done among themselves and their neighbours before we can 
understand them ; but we should have been glad to learn whether Dr. Frazer could 
have given us any clue to their peculiar cultural development. He protests warmly, 
but not too strongly, against the tendency in some quarters to deny reasoning to the 
savage. Such denial is too often based on insufficient acquaintance with savage 
mentality and motives, and impatience with a mode of reasoning starting from postulates, 
and therefore reaching conclusions, often the opposite of ours. Weighty incidental 
observations on the economic, mental, and moral effects on humanity of the belief in 
the life after death are scattered through the volume ; and the final summing up of 
these effects, and of the arguments for and against the general truth of the belief, is 
very impressive. On the latter point, as on another of equal, if not greater import- 
ance, the author avows himself in that condition of philosophic doubt in which 
probably many more scientific men find themselves than care to say so. 

A tribute, as generous as it is just and eloquent, to the late Andrew Lang, at 
the opening of the tenth lecture, should not pass unnoticed. 


Java. Scheltema. 

Monumental Java. By J. F. Scheltema, M.A. Pp. xviii -f 302, with 
illustrations and vignettes after drawings of Javanese Chandi Ornaments by 
the Author. Price 12*. 6d. net. London : Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1913. 

The author of this little book deals in the first part with the history of the 
island, taken mostly from native sources, while in the second, he gives a general 
survey of the various ruins dotted over Mid and Eastern Java ; to this is added 
a very short description of the more important buildings, culminating with Boro- 
Boudour, to which he devotes two chapters at the end of the book. 

We would hardly describe the temples of the Dieng Plateau as being the finest 
in Java, although certainly they are the oldest. Fergusson, writing on this group, 
distinctly says, " They are not remarkable either for their size or the beauty 
'' of their details." And again, it is somewhat misleading to say that the ground 
plan of the Chaudi Kalasan is in the form of a Greek Cross ; the photograph on 
Plate XIX shows that it is square, with one projection on each side, and furthermore 
the building contains five, not four chambers, viz. : a large square chamber in the 
centre with four small chapels round it. Access to the large chamber is ouly gained 
through the eastern one. 

Coming, on page 188, to Mr. Scheltema's comments on the ruinous state of the 
Chandi Pelahosan, we find the passage, "... part has been broken to pieces 
*' by treasure-hunters who dug holes and sunk shafts, disturbing the foundations of 
" the Chandi Plahosan in their inorance of the difference between Buddhist 

No. 84.] MAN. [1913. 

" monasteries and Hindu mausolea built round funeral pits, 1 ' and Dr. Groneman, 
writing on this same temple, says, " we are sorry to think that they were destroyed 
" or removed by devastating treasure-seekers who broke the floors and dug up the 
" earth underneath, not knowing that there could be .no graves in the rooms of 
" these monasteries." 

The author states that the twenty-two scenes on the right and left of the 
staircase of Chandi Mendoot are partly lost and wholly damaged, but this is 
incorrect. On the left or north side there are ten jatakas ; of these only one is 
wholly damaged, two partly damaged, and the rest are entire. It is to be regretted 
that the description of this beautiful temple is so meagre, and that the superb 
monolithic figure of the Buddha said to possess the most perfect Buddha face in 
existence should be disposed of in a few lines. It is now some five years since 
this statue was restored to its original position, so that neither the photograph 
No. XXV, nor the statement that it has "slid down from its pedestal," are quite 
up to date. 

Although Dr. Groneman also uses the term " polygonous " to the Japanese 
temples, we do not think this is the accepted meaning of the word, even if the 
temples are "many-cornered." The author seems to have copied what is obviously 
a printer's error in Fergusson's Eastern Architecture where he writes, " Naha Vihara " 
for " Maha Vihara." We should like to know what a " stupa-linga " is, and also 
why Mr. Scheltema, who has travelled in the East, and ought to know better, 
persists in calling a Chinese a u Chinaman ? " We thought this was a prerogative 
of schoolboys and comic singers. 

It is only right and proper that the author, in dealing with Eastern architecture, 
should use Sanskrit terms, but why introduce German, Dutch, Spanish, French, 
Italian, Latin, and Greek ? On page 129, for instance, we find phrases in no less 
than five languages. Mr. Scheltema speaks of " a Polynesian bias to ancestor- 
worship " ; now in the great diversity of the religious beliefs held by these peoples 
there is nothing to show that they were ancestor-worshippers. In another place he 
deplores the fact that the Dutch Government and natives alike used the ruined 
temples as quarries. But in what country or in what age has this not been done ! 
Did not Cairo come from Cheops and Christian churches from Pagan amphitheatres ? 

The best chapters are those dealing with Boro-Boudour and its approach, and 
the tribute Mr. Scheltema pays to Major Van Eerp is well deserved. The Dutch 
Government are to be congratulated in selecting him to carry out the strenuous work 
of restoring Boro-Boudour. This work has now been carried out, and in a way 
worthy of the best traditions of the School of Archaeology. A comparison of the 
photographs Nos. XXXIX and XL is a good example of what has been achieved. 

The seated Buddha figures (at Boro-Boudour) enclosed in the perforated dagobs on 
the three circular terraces suggest, perhaps, the idea that the Buddha had now reached 
a state whereby he is now only dimly visible, as through a mist, to his beholders, 
while in the central and crowning dagob he had passed altogether beyond the realm 
of human vision. 

There is a useful bibliography at the end of the book, which, however, brings 
out the fact that there are comparatively few works in the English language on the 
subject of Javanese archaeology, so that the present volume is all the more welcome. 
The addition of a map, such as that published by the Royal Packet Company, where 
the ruined sites are marked in red, would greatly assist the reader in seeing at a 
glance the position and distribution of these temples of Java. 


Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 1913. 


1913.] MAN. [No. 85. 


Egypt: Archaeology. With Plate K. Petrie. 

The Earliest Perfect Tombs. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., F.R.S. ftC 

While burials below the surface abound in Egypt and most other lands, Ou 
and have been published by the thousand, the above-ground structure of tombs is 
very rarely preserved. In the great cemetery of Tarkhan, forty miles south of Cairo, 
which I have excavated during the past two years, some tombs of the 1st Dynasty 
(5500 B.C.) have the upper structures in perfect preservation, owing to having been 
quickly buried in drifted sand. Three of these are here illustrated. 

At the top are shown two brick tombs with curved tops (Nos. 2,039, 2,040), 
dating from the time of King Zet, the middle of the 1st Dynasty. On the right is 
seen a part of the large mastaba of brick (No. 2,038) with recessed facing. In the 
recess nearest to the spectator is the flooring of wood remaining, which marks the 
main recess for offerings. To the left of the face is the gangway around the mastaba ; 
to the left of that is the fender wall which runs around the whole. In the gangway 
of this and another mastaba (each over 100 feet long), were several tombs of the 
dependants. The two shown here are built of brick, plastered with mud % and white- 
washed. On the top of each are two slight recesses in the form of a doorway, by 
which the soul was supposed to go out and in. 

On cutting these tombs open at the top (carefully leaving the sides perfect), it 
was found that the bricks had been laid over a pile of sand, which supported them 
when plastered. Ou digging down there were first three or four jars lying at the 
sides, about 3 feet down. Below these was a papyrus sleeping mat, too long to go 
into the pit, and therefore turned up about 2 feet at one end. Under the mat was 
a lid of loose boards laid over a roughly-made box coffin, in making which old house 
timber had bean used up. The burials were contracted, head north, face east, on 
left side, accompanied by some small pottery and gazelle bones. 

In the middle view is a small mastaba. The four pots standing upright in the 
large square are those found in the anciently-robbed grave which is beneath them. 
The whole square was originally filled with sand, forming a mound banked round 
by a brick wall about a foot high. Such is the type of the Royal Tombs of the 
1st Dynasty on a larger scale. The view is taken with the sand emptied out so far 
to show the depth of the wall. Nearer the spectator is the little court for offerings, 
only 2 or 3 feet square. The original whitewash covering may be seen still on 
parts of the wall. In the tomb wall are two slits, at which the offerings were pre- 
sented, for their virtue to descend to the dead. Outside of the offering court are the 
rough pots in which offerings had been brought at the various festivals ; the jars 
were then left derelict at the place. This mastaba (No. 740) dates from sequence 
date 78 just before, or early in the reign of, Mena, the beginning of the 1st Dynasty. 

The lower view shows a perfect burial (No. 1,845), slightly earlier, sequence 
date 77, rather before the 1st Dynasty. Here the whole of the sand filling has been 
removed, and the body is seen lying quite perfect, head south, face west, contracted. 
The jars are around it, and between the knees and the arms is an alabaster bowl with 
a slate palette upon it. Outside of the mastaba wall, at the right, is seen at the back 
the offering court, with pans lying upside down in it ; nearer is the stack of jars left 
from the offerings. Pottery of this type is seldom found in the graves ; while the 
types found in graves are not found in stacks of offerings. From the contemporary 
pottery of this town at Abydos we see that the grave pottery was that in common 
use ; the stack pottery, left subsequently, was apparently only made for such a 
transient purpose. 

From over a thousand graves cleared this year of Dynasties and 1, the British 
School has secured measures of over 600 skeletons (taken by Mr. Thompson), the 

[ 153 ] 

No. 85-86.] 



largest group all within a century that has been recorded. These indicate that the 
population of females was homogeneous, while the males are of two groups, one about 
a tenth of the other. It appears that from prehistoric days there had been a slow 
mixture of the dynastic race, shortening the male statue from about 69^ to 67^ inches, 
and then came in the pure dynastic clan of only 66^ inches. Subsequently these 
gradually mixed with the older race, and the stature rose to about 69 inches again in 
the 6th Dynasty. Seventy skulls have been preserved by soaking in paraffin wax ; the 
bones were, unfortunately, too fragile to be lifted, and were all measured as they lay 
in the earth. The results will all be published in Tarkhan II. 

A large cemetery of the 12th and 13th Dynasties has also been excavated by 
the British School this year, finding many important objects, including very fine 
inlaid jewellery. These results will appear in Riqqeh and Memphis VI. 


Borneo, British North. Evans. 

On a Collection of Stone Implements -from the Tempassuk 
District, British North Borneo. By Ivor H. N. Evans, B.A. 

The series of stone implements with which this article deals were collected by 
the writer during the year 1911 while he was stationed at Kotabelud, the Government 

FIG. I. 

post in the Tempassuk district of British North Borneo. All the specimens figured in 
Figs. I. and II., with the exception of Fig. I., No. 4, and possibly Fig. II., No. 3, 
appear to have been intended for use as adze-heads. The materials from which the 
implements are manufactured are of various kinds, Nos. 1, 2, and 5 of Fig. I. being 

[ 154 ] 



[No. 86. 

of hornstone ; No. 3 of Fig. I., Nos. 1 anil 2 of Fig. II., and Xo. 2 of Fig. H!A. of 
basalt ; and Nos. 4, 6, 7, and 8 of Fig. I. of soft claystone, such as is common in the 
district. These are, as far as the writer knows, the first stone implements which have 
been recorded from British North Borneo, although some had been previously reported 
from Sarawak by Dr. A. C. Haddon and Dr. C. Hose, the latter having made an 


excellent collection containing fifteen specimens. All the examples described in the 
present article were obtained from either Bajaws or Illanuns, divisions of which two 
races inhabit the coast and lower river reaches of the Tempassuk district. Before 
proceeding to describe the specimens in detail it may be as well to make a few 
remarks as to the native ideas concerning the origin of such stones. It must be 
understood that no worked stone implements are now in use in the district, and those 
found are thought by the natives to have fallen from the skies as thunderbolts. 
" Gigi guntor," the name given to them by the Bajaws, signifies thunder teeth, and 
the writer has seen an old native placing the implements in his mouth, saying, " Yes, 
" this stone would probably have been a front tooth, and this a back tooth of the 
" spirit of thunder."* In consequence of their supposed celestial origin, it need 
hardly be said that stone implements are highly valued as charms and amulets, and 
that sometimes an owner will not part with his specimen, however tempting an offer 


may be made him. There seems, moreover, in many cases a positive dislike on the 
part of the possessor to showing them.f One native who had refused to name a 
price for a specimen said to the writer : " I only let you see it because you are the 

* It is interesting to note that this reference to a meteoric origin of implements and other stones 
which appear to have been derive! from sources not clearly suggested by anything found in the 
district is prevalent in many widely separated countries. The Greeks gave the name Kipawin 
\iOoc to the stone hatchets which they found sporadically on the surface of the ground. They 
sometimes carved gnostic characters on them, and the implements appear in the cult of Zeus. In 
our own country the belemnite of the midland counties and the lumps of marcasite in the chalk 
are to the workmen " thunderbolts." 

f Possibly owing to some idea that letting others see th~> charm would diminish its potency. 

C 155 ] 

No. 86.] 



" Tuan ; if it was anyone else I would not show it"; and on going outside was 
heard to say to a friend : " How could I possihly wish to sell my talisman ? " A 
collection cannot, therefore, he got together without a good deal of trouhle and some 
expense. Stone implements are used as charms in various manners ; sometimes they 
are worn stitched into a special sash which is tied round the waist, and sometimes 
they are kept in the large tancobs or store vessels for unhusked rice which are 
found in every native house, their office apparently being to guard the padi and to 
keep it in good condition. When the young rice is just in leaf, water in which a 
stone implement has been placed is often sprinkled over it to insure the success of 
the crop. The small adze-head No. 1 of Fig. II. is said to have been used in the 
last epidemic of small-pox in the district, when water in which it had been placed 
was given to the patients to drink as a remedy. In cock-fighting, stone implements 
are much used as charms, for it is said that the spurs of a cock which have been 
rubbed with the charm must cause deep wounds in the opposing bird, while krisses 

also which 
have been 
treated in 
a similar 
manner are 
with always 
i n fl i c t i n g 
very serious 
w o u u d s. 
The collec- 
tion shows 
a curious 
of type?, 
for instance, 
No. 2 of 

Fig. I., if no locality Avere given, might well be ascribed to the Hervey 

The question of the use of implements of soft stone, such as Nos. 4, 6, 7, and 8 
of Fig. I., is extremely interesting. They are found in many countries, Great 
Britain included, and are often stated to have been used for ceremonial purposes. 
Possibly in some cases they were buried with corpses or placed on the grave, taking 
the place of the more valuable hard stone implements of the deceased with which 
the heirs did not wish to part. This substitution of valueless copies is common in 
many parts of the world, notably in China ; and undoubtedly the valuables of 
deceased persons were at first buried with them, until cupidity invented the excuse 
that a spirit being only a shadowy sort of individual, shadowy belongings were quite 
good enough for his use in the next world. In some cases implements of soft stone 
were, however, probably used for light work, and possibly No. 4 of Fig. I. may have 
been used for scraping out the pith of the sago palm. It is noticeable that the 
implements figured on Fig. I. all show a similarity of design, and appropriate to 
what Dr. Haddon has, rather happily, termed the roof type, from its resemblance to 
the roof of a house viewed from above (No. 1). 

Nos. 1 and 2 and the wooden model No. 3 of Fig. III/v. are very curious 
examples, since they have at one end two cutting edges separated by a groove ; 
these would form a double cutting edge if they were used as adzes. This, 
however, does not appear to have been the case, since No. 2 has " grip-marks," 

[ 156 ] 

FIG. 1IU. 



[No. 86, 

which seem to be either depressions made by the constant friction of the hands of 
many generations on the stone in using it or else purposely made for affording a 
good grip of the implement. The writer inclines to the former opinion. If the 
depressions are grip marks the method of their formation is of less importance than 
the manner in which the implements were held and the purpose for which they 
were used. On the other hand, it is possible that these marks show where the 
instrument was lashed into a haft ; though it is hard to see for what purpose an 
axe of this description could ever have been used. 

Returning to the " grip mark " theory ; the depression a, from its shape, seems 
to have been made by (or for) the base of the thumb, Avhile those marked b and c 
were formed by (or for) the fingers, the small ridge d between them corresponding 
to the space between the second and third fingers. The model No. 3 of Fig. III. 



has also a depression for the base of the thumb and, as in No. 2, a slightly convex 
surface on one side, which, on the above assumption as to the method of holding, 
would be directed towards the palm of the hand. With regard to the large 
specimen, No. 1 of Fig. IIlA., it is probably a partly finished implement which has 
b-aen to some extent used. The reasons for the latter conclusion will be found given 
below. Mr. J. Jennings, of Newmarket, when he saw the model, suggested that the 
implements had probably been used for rubbing down and finishing coir or other 
rope which had been newly dressed with a resinous gum ; stating that during his 
residence in the New Hebrides he had seen lengths of bamboo with forks cut in 
them used for the same purpose. On examining the specimens Nos. 1 and 2 it 
was found that the proximal portion of the groove (i.e., the portion of the groove 
nearest the body of the holder) was considerably more worn in both, than the distal. 

[ 157 ] 

No. 86-87.] MAN. [1913. 

This is not shown in the model, but it is possibly due to unfaithful copying. 
Taking into consideration the evidence that the implements Avere used in the way 
indicated, and the uneven wear of the groove, the theory does not seem at all 

On Fig. 4 are shown various flakes of red chert together with one core of the 
same material.* These flakes are extremely abundant in the lower portions of the 
Tempassuk district, and can be found in numbers on the smaller foot-hills. No. 1 is, 
however, the only specimen of a core which the writer has seen, nor has he yet come 
across a completed implement in this material. Chert, which is named by the 
natives " batu api " (fire stone), is used to the present day for striking a light. 
Natives, on being asked in what way the stone is dressed for the tinder-box, replied 
that either a convenient piece was picked up from the ground or a large lump 
thrown against a rock, when any suitable fragments could easily be collected. This 
seems to dispose of the possibility of the flakes and cores being of modern origin. 
The majority of the flakes show an extremely well-developed bulb of percussion. 


America, South : Chile. Evans. 

A Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise in Northern Chile. By Q"J 

Oswald H. Evans, F.G.S. Of 

The turquoise has long been associated as a gem-stone with the pre-European 
culture of Mexico, where it was extensively employed for inlaid work in stone, bone, 
and wood, and its use in the same manner has continued to the present day among 
the Pueblo folk of the northern continent. 

The rarer occurrence of the turquoise, used for similar purposes in pre-Spanish 
Peru, as exampled in objects discovered in the Macabi Islands and elsewhere, has 
inevitably suggested a communication with the advanced cultures of the north, 
especially in view of the fact that turquoise was not known to exist in western 
South America. 

It is, therefore, of some interest to record the information that turquoise occurs 
well within the limits of the ancient Peruvian culture region, and that there is direct 
evidence of its use by the early inhabitants of the district surrounding the point of 
origin of the 'material. 

It should be mentioned that Domeyko (Jfm., Ed. Ill) "refers to turquoise as 
" an earthy cupriferous aluminium phosphate from San Lorenzo, Chile " (Dana, 
Mineralogy, 6th Edition), but this substance cannot be classed as a gem-stone. 

The material to which I desire to call attention is found in northern Chile, 
inland from the port of Chanaral de las Animas, at a place called Cerro del Indio 
Muerto, in the mining district of Pueblo Hundido. The turquoise, which is not of 
high quality, is found here in a true vein, and the numerous Indian graves which 
have been opened in the neighbourhood by treasure seekers have yielded abundant 
evidence of the use of the stone in personal ornament. 

The turquoise occurs in the graves in the form of rounded pellets, pierced for 
suspension as beads, and also in perforated cylinders " like pieces of pipe-stem." 
Arrow heads and broken pottery are to be met in profusion as in most centres of 
former Indian activity throughout this region. 

I am indebted to my friend Mr. John Southward, for some time a resident in 
Chanaral, for the above details. It is very probable that the turquoise formed part 
of the tribute exacted from the desert tribes by their Peruvian masters, although 

* I have to thank Dr. Marr and Mr. J. Romanes, of the Cambridge University Geological 
Museum, for identifying as a radiolarian chert the rock which forms the material of the cores and 

[ 158 ] 



[No. 87-88. 

I have no direct evidence that it was so. I may state, however, that I found a 
material which was probahly turquoise (although at the time I did not recognise it 
as such) in small fragments in a grave in Hueso Parado, Taltal, described by me in 
MAN, 1906, 12. OSWALD H. EVANS. 


Africa : Marmarica. 
Nomad Burials in Marmarica. By Oric Bates, B.A., F.R.G.S. 

The traveller in Marmarica, or in the desert hinterland of Cyrenaica, from 
time to time encounters small stone structures which prove, upon examination, to 
be sepulchral. Some of these monuments probably the greater part of them are 
of recent date, others belong to a period at least as early as Roman. The present 
paper, the materials for which were collected iu 1910, is a brief description of graves 
of both classes. 

I. The Recent Burials. To excavate a grave for the interment of an adult 
human body is in the desert parts of Marmarica a task beyond the energies or skill 

FIG. 1. 


FIG. 2. 

of the nomadic inhabitants, owing to the hardness of the miocene limestone of the 
Libyan plateau. The bodies of those, therefore, who have died at a distance from 
the oases or the fertile littoral zone, are protected by being enclosed within walls 
made of small surface stones. These walls are generally about 75 to 125 cms. high, 
and are usually circular or elliptical in plan (Figs, la, \b ; 2a, 26). It often happens, 
especially near the regular halting places, that, to economise labour, one or more 
graves are built against one already existing, the result being a poly-cellular structure 
such as that shown in Figs. 3a, 36. 

A flat stone in or on the grave wall often bears rudely incised markings indicating 
the tribe to which the dead man belonged. As far as I had an opportunity for 
observing, these inscribed stones were placed in the south-westerly part of the wall, 
and they were of considerable interest, as the signs cut on them recalled strongly, 
now those of the Tifinagh alphabet of the West, and now those of the minor Semitic 
alphabets (Safaitic, Tharnudenian, Libyanic) of the East. A large collection of these 
signs would have considerable archaeological interest ; the few which I was able to 
copy are presented in Fig. 4a, &c.* 

* For others, see J. M. S. Scholz : Voyage d'Alez-andrie a Par&tonium, Leipzig, 1822, pp. 53, 56, 57. 

[ 159 ] 

No. 88.] 



The bodies in the grave enclosures, wrapped in cloths, were laid on the back, 
fully extended in the orthodox Moslem manner, with the face turned towards Mekkah. 
Over the body was regularly deposited a thin layer of coarse gravel and pebbles, 
scraped up from the ungenerous surface of the desert. The rest of the enclosure, 
when near a haftiah^ was often seen to be filled up with brush or thorn, to keep 
off the foxes and jackals. 

In some cases in which the occupant of a grave was in reality, or has in time 

come to be, venerated 
as a sheikh, the lonely 
grave is marked with a 
pennon a rude wand, 
brought from an oasis 
or from the coast, has 
had tied to one end a 
square or irregular strip 
of white cotton, which 
flutters above the grave 
in memory of the virtue 
and piety of the de- 
ceased. Such signals 
are common in Africa 
Minor and the Sudan. 
In Marmarica the pass- 
ing cameleer often stops 
to pray at a sepulchre 
of this sort, and near 
Fi G- 3, Bir-el-Kenais I saw one 

I/ of my men stand by 

such a grave, draw his hands downwards over his face several times, and then rap 
smartly thrice with his camel-stick on the wall of the grave. 

There is no reason to suppose that any of the graves of the type just described 
are pre-Islamic, the evidence all pointing to their having been constructed since the 
Mahomedan conquest of Africa. 

II. The Ancient Burials. Besides the Grasco-Egyptian rock-cut tombs found in 
all the habitable oases of the Si wan group, there are at several places small cemeteries 
of ancient 

graves of the A 4- > O O O 

type known 
in the Alge- 
rian Sahara 
as the regem- 
t y p e (plur. 
a r g e m ) . 

These more nearly resemble in form the Moslem burials described above than they 
do any of the grave forms, ancient or modern, employed by the sedentaries of the 
oases. Graves of a very similar character, and of the same date as those in ques- 
tion, have been found here and there within a few hours west of the Nile Valley, 
and according to native information occur on the northern confines of the Libyan 

f From La* e superiore loco in inferiorem deposuit : " an alighting place." A " clean-up " in the 
plateau, in which there grow scantily clumps of gazelle-grass, camel-thorn, &c. Such places, affording 
a little grazing and being free from stones, are if possible chosen for halts when on the march. 

[ 160 ] 


FIG. 4. 





[No. 88. 

The graves of this type which I myself saw were at Gerbah oasis, some 15 miles 
\\.X.W. from Siwah town. This oasis serves as a camping ground for the southern 
camel patrols of H.H. Egyptian Coast Guards, and I had the pleasure of being 
there for some time as the guest of Major L. V. Royle, of that service. It was 
through this officer's kindness that I had at my disposal men to open the graves 
I wished to examine, and was able during my stay to record a number of them. 
The graves were regularly placed on the edge of the plateau which encircles the 
oasis. Often there were, in the immediate vicinity, Graeco-Egyptian rock tombs 
excavated in the cliff; but from the general distribution of the argem-type throughout 
Eastern Libya, and from the poverty of many of the rock tombs, I incline to believe 
that the argem are the graves of nomads who, like the modern Arabs, periodically 
visited the oases, rather than the graves of poor sedeutaries. 

As typical examples of these Gerbah burials the following may be cited : 

No. 1. N.E. part of Gerbah, on cliff. Plundered grave, consisting of a cairn, 

elliptical in plan, made of small flat stones, 700 x 600 x 135 (lit.) cms. (Figs. 5o, 56). 

The upper stones had been partly removed, and beneath those which remained was 

found a sort of cist, 200 X 50 cms., rectangular in plan, built on the major axis of 


FIG. 6. 

FIG. 5. 

FIG. 7. 

the cairn (Fig. 5). The sides of the cist were made of flatfish stones set on 
edge. These were roofed by others like them, laid flat across. Major axis, S.E. 
and N.W. 

No. 2. S. part of Gerbah, behind Coast Guard camp, on spur of cliff. Same 
type as preceding. Cairn, 550 X 500 x 65 (ht.) cms. ; cist, 190 X 70 cms. ; major 
axis, E. and W. Burial of an adult woman, on back, head west, hands folded on 
pelvis. Plundered at head, which suggests that bead necklaces are sometimes found 
on these bodies. Outer body wrappings of coarse linen cloth of simplest weave ; on 
removal, a long splint (the mid-rib of a palm-frond) was seen at each side, bound 
with bands of linen (tied in reef knots) across the body and feet, as shown in Fig. 6. 
The inner wrappings, round which passed the bands just mentioned, were of the 
same coarse fabric as the outer cloths, but fringed. Lying inside the cist with the 
woman, at her feet, was the body of a child under a year in age. On the woman's 
right hand were the two base silver rings shown in Figs. 7a, 7b. One of these rings 
was a mere wire, the other had on it a blunt depression imitating the intaglio of a 

No. 3. Same location as No. 2. Large cairn, 700 x 600 x 200 cms. ; cist, 
200 X 95 cms., placed at right angles to the major axis of the cairn (E. and W.), 

No. 88-89.] MAN. [1913. 

not in the centre, but nearer the west end (see Fig. 8). Body of man, same position 
as body in No. 2, head south. Reduced to skeleton ; traces of wrappings on bones. 
Skull a well-defined quadrated ellipsoid ; teeth good. 

No. 4. A little S.E. of the Coast Guard camp, on spur of cliff. Same type as 
No. 1. Cairn, 400 X 250 x 150 cms. ; cist, in middle, along major axis of cairn, 
120 x 50 cms. Burial of male (?), body on back, head west. Wrappings of coarse 

+ 3m 

FIG. S. 
FIG. 8. 

linen, pinned over breast with neatly made little pegs of wood, square in cross-section. 
Skull, acute pentagonoid. 

No. 5. Same location, same type as preceding, and approximately same' size. 
Burial of old woman, body on back, head west. Outer wrappings pinned ; inner, as 
shown in Fig. 9. 

Because of their distribution and their conformity to the well recognised " regem- 
type," I am inclined to consider that these cairn-and-cist burials were erected by 
poor nomads of Libyan stock. The period to which the graves are to be assigned 
is indicated by the discovery of the base silver rings mentioned above, and by the 
shards of pottery which are not infrequently associated with the cairns. Both the 
shards and the rings are late Roman or early Byzantine. The graves therefore 
belong to the fourth or fifth centuries of the present era. ORTC BATES. 

Abyssinia : Archaeology. Thesiger. 

Account of the Newly-discovered Ruins at Sellali. By Wilfred G. 

For many years past it has been known by the local inhabitants that the present 
little round church, built in the usual Abyssinian style with thatched roof and mud 
walls, stood on the ruins of an older church destroyed during the Mohammedan invasion 
of Mohammed Grain, and from time to time there was even talk of digging there to 
see what could be found. Nothing was, however, done until August, 1912, when Dejaz 
Kassa, the present chief of this country, made trenches along the south wall of the 
main building, where traces of the old building were most visible, and also along the 
south wall of the first enclosure. 

These trenches, which are about three feet deep, laid bare the base of a square 
building, on which was carved the pattern of interlaced arches, marked I on the 
enclosed drawings. The carving is in low relief on large square slabs of stone some 
four inches thick, which were fixed in some way to the face of the wall, which, so 
far as one can judge, must have been about four feet in width. The pattern of 
inverted steps and the moulding on which both rest is carved on smaller stones, 
square cut and well fitting, but I could find no traces of lime or cement having been 
used. Pattern No. I is found on the south wall on either side of the steps, and 
probably runs all round the base of the building. 

The patterns marked Nos. II, III, and V are found on small fragments of stone 
set in the side Avails of the flight of stairs which led down from the south door to 
the inner courtyard, but are evidently not in their original position, as each pattern 
is found on a single stone irregularly placed and broken, and the corresponding stones 

[ 162 ] 



[No. 89, 

Ground Plan of Bains at Tchegi 

on either side show no signs of the carving having been continued. These stones 

belonged evidently to another part of the destroyed building, but one cannot say by 

whom or when they were placed in their present position, as the priests declared 

everything remains as found when the excavations were made in August, 1912. 

The original church was surrounded by a square walled enclosure some 36 feet 

distant from the building itself with an 

opening opposite the steps and south 

door, on the inner side of which there 

are traces of moulding such as is shown 

in Pattern IV. This wall can be traced 

on all four sides. Some 60 feet outside 

the first wall are the remains of a second 

rectangular enclosure, marked by mounds 

of grass-grown debris, on the south and 

east sides, but without further excava- 
tions it is impossible to say if it also was 

built of cut stone. 

Plentiful remains of charcoal and cal- 
cined stone go to prove that, as rumoured, 

the church was destroyed by fire. The 

priests showed me several long nails and 

iron clamps all rusted and corroded which 

were dug up in excavating the trenches 

which are marked on the plan by a dotted 

line. The whole site of the ruin is covered 

with enormous olive and juniper trees, none of which can be less than 300 years 

old, and many of which grow actually on old ruined walls. 

Of the history of the original church one could gather only very scanty details. 

It is reported to have been built, not by the king, but by a bishop, hence the name 

which it still bears Itchege. Whether it had anything to do with the monastery 

of Debra Libanos, which is 
on iy gome five hours dis- 
tant, they could not tell 
me, but it is said always 
to have been a place of 
especial sanctity. 

This ruin appears to 
me to have three special 
points of interest firstly, 
its position so far to the 
south, where with the 
exception of the ancient 
establishment of Debra Li- 
banos no other ruins of a 
similar kind are known to 
exist ; secondly, the excel- 

ExcavationsMarked Ihus 

lence of the carved work, 
~ which I believe would be 

noticeable even in the north, and the fact that the pattern of interlaced arches, 
although often found in early European buildings, has not as yet, so far as I can 
ascertain, been found on any other ruins in this country ; and thirdly, that the 
evidence of the date of its destruction tends to prove the impossibility of the 

[ 1G3 ] 

No. 89-90.] MAN. [1913. 

Portuguese having had any hand in building it, unless it was designed by the 
painter Branca Leon or the Portuguese ambassador, Peter Corvilla, both of whom 
arrived in Abyssinia about 1470, but there appear to be no records of their having 
done any work of this kind, although the former decorated existing churches and 
gave great offence by not adhering to local convention. The mission of Koderigo 
de Lima, which remained in this country from 1520 to 1525, were certainly other- 
wise occupied than in building churches for a king Avho would neither do business 
with them nor allow them to depart, and in 1527 the province of Selluli was laid 
waste by Mohammed Grain, which is probably the date at which this church or some 
later construction raised on the same site was destroyed. 

I am inclined to believe that at the time of the invasion of Mohamed Grain 
the original building was already a mere ruin on the debris of which the Abyssinians 
had built a church of their own, as had such buildings as this evidently was still been 
standing in 1527, it appears to me impossible that even the memory of them should 
by the beginning of the next century have died out so completely that the con- 
struction of the convent and palaces of Father Peter Paez in 1604 should have 
struck the Abyssinians with the wonder and even terror which are reported by 

This supposition might account for the steps having been at some time roughly 
repaired from the debris of the old ruins by a people ignorant of building, as is 
shown by their having been unable to replace the steps themselves and only capable 
of making of the old stairway an inclined slope to give access to the newer church 
placed on the mound formed by the ruins of the old one. 

If true this account would put the date of the original building back to a much 
earlier date, probably to about the llth or 12th century, which period 1 believe I 
am right in thinking the style of carving corresponds. 


Africa, North : Anthropology. Bertholon : Chantre. 

Recherches Anthropologiques dans In Berberie Orientale (Tripolitaine, Of) 
Tunise, Algerie), par L. Bertholon et E. Chantre. Tome Premier : Anthropo- Ull 
metric, Craniometrie, Ethnographic. Pp. 662 (fol.), 385 figs., and five maps in colour. 
Tome Deuxieme : Album de 174 portraits ethniques. Frontispiece in photochrome. 
A. Key, Lyon, 1913. 

North Africa, according to the authors of this splendid monograph, has the 
lines of an ancient galley with her prow to the east, her poop to the west, and 
her keel stranded on the sands of the Sahara. She has been boarded on all sides, 
by the negroes from the south, by peoples of Asia from the east, and by the 
Mediterranean and European races from the north. This ancient galley if we 
may continue the simile has been recently boarded by the gallant authors, who 
have subjected the motley crew to a long and accurate investigation, the results of 
which are contained in these two artistic and pictorial volumes. The authors were 
well qualified for their task. Dr. Bertholon has seen Barbary for many years with 
the eyes of an expert medical man, and as secretary of the Institute of Carthage, while 
his collaborator, Dr. Chantre, is a well-known anthropologist of Lyons. An anthro- 
pological investigation of over 8,000 of the inhabitants of Barbary has led the 
authors to distinguish three chief types of man in North Africa (1) short, dark- 
complexioned long-headed people, members of the Mediterranean race ; (2) short, 
dark-complexioned, brachycephalic people of less certain affinities ; (3) tall, long- 
headed, rather fair people, probably descendants of a north European stock. Besides 

L !6* ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 90-91. 

these three, there is an important fourth type, the negro or negroid. There are 
also minor types which the authors suspect to be due to intermixture of the 
chief types. Numerous portraits and complete measurements are given of large 
groups of individuals of all of these types. The results of their ethnographic 
survey is quickly grasped from the coloured charts which accompany their statistics 
and statements. 

The story of North Africa as revealed in these volumes is that of every 
country which has been thoroughly investigated, a story of persistence of human 
type. " Centuries have passed," the authors write in their summary, " ideals have 
*' changed, but the skeleton has passed from generation to generation unchanged." 
The delicately modelled negro type of to-day has its ancient precursor in the 
neolithic burial places of the country ; in burials of the same remote period, occur 
the skeletons of the Mediterranean race, which still forms the main population of 
littoral settlements and cities ; in the dolmen of Rokina occur the short-headed 
dark-complexioned type which now abounds in Carthage and in the Island of Gerba. 
The tall long-headed rather blonde people now found occupying the plateaux of the 
interior are found in the megalithic monuments. According to the authors, they 
entered Africa from Spain subsequent to the settlement of the other types. 

Physical anthropology forms only a section of this work ; the authors have 
construed anthropology in its widest sense, and included all that relates to the 
cultural and psychical life of the people. The picture they have drawn represents 
North Africa as an intrinsic part of the Mediterranean region from the most ancient 
times, and participating in all the cultural waves which have spread along the 
Mediterranean shores, from the Levant to the Straits of Gibraltar, since the earliest 
dawn of civilisation. In many respects Barbary has preserved to a greater degree 
than any other region traces of civilisations which reached its shores from Egypt, 
Cyprus, Greece, thousands of years ago. The native lustrous polychrome pottery 
with geometrical designs is regarded by the authors as similar to that found by 
Petrie and Quibell at Nagada, arid in Cyprus by Richter, and belonging to a period 
of about 2,500 B.C. This monograph will prove of the greatest value to those who 
are seeking to restore the history of the ancient civilisation of the Mediterranean 
basin. The authors have earned the thanks of their colleagues in all lands for the 
able way they have carried out a very heavy and difficult task. A. KEITH. 

New Zealand: Mythology. Smith.. 

The Lore of the fVhare- Wananga ; or, Teachings of the Maori College, on Q1 
Religion, Cosmogony, and History, written down by H. T. Whatahoro, from U I 
the Teachings of Te Matorohanga and Nepia Pohuhu, Priests of the JVhare- 
Wannnaa of the East Coast, Neiv Zealand. Translated by S. Percy Smith, 
President of the Polynesian Society. New Plymouth, 1913. Pp. xvii + 193. 
Price 10*. 

The title of the above volume explains shortly the contents of Part I., which 
has been published as Vol. III. of the Memoirs of the Polynesian Society, and of 
Part II., which is to follow when funds permit. 

The two priests had taught in the Whare- Wananga " long before the influence 
" of Christianity reached their tribe," and it is a matter of congratulation that their 
knowledge was transmitted to paper before their deaths, which occurred respectively 
in 1884 and 1882. 

Te Whatahoro had written down this knowledge, from their dictation, 50 years 
ago, and the whole is contained in several volumes deposited in the Dominion Museum, 
Wellington. Much of the information contained in these volumes has recently been 
copied by the Tribal Committee, known as "Tane-nui-a-rangi." The Polynesian 

[ 165 ] 

No. 91-92.] MAN. [1913. 

Society has obtained access to these writings, and the present volume is a translation 
by their President, the well-known Maori scholar, Mr. Percy Smith. 

The writings are divided into " Things Celestial" and " ThingsTerrestial." Part I. 
contains the former, and it is to be hoped that funds will very shortly be forthcoming 
to enable the Society to publish the remaining part. A glance at the list of members 
of the Society shows how very meagrely it is supported from this country (9). 

To enable the reader better to understand the translation, Mr. Percy Smith has 
added copious footnotes, and he rightly remarks in his introduction that "assuredly 
" these ancient beliefs of a people that was, less than one hundred years ago, in the 
" Stone Age will offer to the student of comparative mythology an additional light 
" on the working of the mind of primitive man." This is the more so in the case 
of the Maori, when one considers how absolutely his island home was cut off from 
outside influence for a period which Mr. Percy Smith puts down at over two thousand 
years. To those interested in the migrations of the various races of the Pacific Ocean 
this book makes interesting and instructive reading. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 

Physical Anthropology. Wrig-ht. 

The Origin and Antiquity of Man. By Fred G. Wright, D.D., LL.D., QO 
F.G.S.A. London : John Murray, 1913. Pp. 547. Price 8*. Ut 

It is always pleasant to meet with a writer whose conceptions are definite, 
dogmatic, and clearly expressed especially when the writer has earned the right, 
by years of observation, to be counted an authority on his subject. Dr. Wright has 
entitled his work the Origin and Antiquity of Man, but although there is much 
that concerns the antiquity in this book, there is very little that throws light on 
his origin. Dr. Wright is convinced that we reached our human estate with the 
Pleistocene period which probably began not more than 80,000 years ago " certainly 
not 100,000." 

It is strange that one Avho has studied for so many years the glacial and 
Pleistocene geology of North America should, on the ample evidence at his disposal, 
reach a conclusion so different to that of Penck, who has calculated, from his 
observations in Europe, that the Pleistocene period may have lasted even 1J millions 
of years. As our knowledge of man's early traces increases it becomes more and 
more urgent to obtain a Pleistocene time chart, but from the statements just cited 
it is clear that much has yet to be done before the geologist can supply our needs. 
The lifting of the last ice sheet from North America, in Dr. Wright's opinion, 
occurred at a comparatively recent date. He thinks the early civilisations of Babylon 
and of Egypt may have been in their heyday while still great areas of America 
and Europe, now densely populated, were buried under an ice sheet hundreds of 
feet deep. If that is so, and it is hard to explain away the evidence Dr. Wright 
produces of the recent disappearance of glacial conditions then there must be some 
factor which has a powerful influence on our climate and of which we know nothing 
as yet. 

The author is a " paroxysmalist." He refuses to accept what happens in the 
present as a clue or key to what has happened in the past. " The wise evolutionist," 
he says, " leaves the field open for catastrophes periods of rapid transformation." 
He believes that the evolution of man may have occurred in bounding starts ; new 
species may arise in a few hundred years, all the races of mankind may have been 
differentiated in a few thousand years, civilisations and languages may appear with 
a rapidity not less astonishing than the growth of Jonah's gourd. The author 
quotes with approval the opinion of Dr. Bartlett as regards the origin of woman, 
namely, that she was the result of " direct creation." It will thus be seen that 
Dr. Wright has just as implicit faith in miracles as in science. A. KEITH. 

[ 166 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 93-94. 

Religion and Folklore. Blinkenberg-. 

The Thunder Weapon in Religion and Folklore, By Chr. Bliukeuberg. QO 
Cambridge University Press. UU 

In this excellent and unpretentious little work the author sets oat to trace the 
history of the thunder weapon as it figures at various periods in Greek Art and 
Literature. To do so he has gone far afield and gathered evidence from remote 
and unexpected sources, much of it from modern Denmark, India, and even Thibet ; 
but he uses it with discretion and restraint. 

He distinguishes two primitive conceptions of the force which is active in the 
thunder-stroke, or more strictly in the lightning. In the first and more widely 
spread the stroke is dealt by something conceived as resembling a human weapon. 
Hence comes the belief in "thunder-stones," still locally surviving. These in 
modern times take various shapes, but the weapon was most often conceived as an 
axe, at first naturally of stone, then later of bronze. In later times this is of course 
the weapon of a thunder-god, but before anthropomorphic religion it is itself the 
god, if the word may be used, and worshipped accordingly. These facts, which 
seem well established, throw a welcome light on the axes which figure so largely 
as objects of worship in the recent finds in Crete. They appear to represent the 
earlier, as the axe of Zeus Labraundeus, in the author's opinion, represents the later 
stage of the conception. 

In the second conception, Avhich seems to have prevailed chiefly in Mesopo- 
tamia, attention is concentrated rather on the lightning itself than on its effect. 
Hence we have as its symbol, not an axe, but a conventional representation of 
lightning ; some form of zigzag pattern, developing later into a pronged weapon. 
This reappears in Greece as the trident of Poseidon, and with a reduplication of 
the prongs, which is found also in Assyria and elsewhere, as the familiar keraunos 
of Zeus. Once more the evidence is good, and it is characteristic of the writer's 
sanity that he does not attempt to prove that the trident, whatever its origin, was 
not a fish-spear in the eyes of the classical Greek. 

The book contains much other matter of interest and well deserves study. 

F. R. EARP. 

Festival Volume. Various Authors. 

Festskrift tillegnad Edvard Westermarck i anledning av hans F.entio&rsdag Q J 
den 20. November 1912. Helsingfors, 1912. UT 

It is a pity that we have not in English a word to translate the German word 
Festschrift. 'It denotes a German custom that has been found so pleasant and useful 
as a means of expressing, on some appropriate occasion, congratulation, friendship, 
gratitude, admiration, and at the same time of having a little say on a pet subject, 
that it has been adopted almost everwhere. One of the recent examples is this 
Festschrift presented to Professor Westermarck on his fiftieth birthday by some of 
his pupils and friends. It contains a number of interesting articles not only in 
Swedish, but also in English and German, an appropriate polyglot recognition of 
the value of his wide anthropological researches. To select a few of them here as 
likely to be attractive to British readers must not be held to indicate any want of 
appreciation of the rest. 

Dr. Haddon describes the houses of New Guinea with care, and as minutely as 
his space and the accounts of his authorities allow. Nothing is lacking but a little 
touch of the professional enthusiasm of the house agent to hurry the reader into 
househunting in that paradise for himself. He is, however, simply laying the 
foundation for an extended enquiry into the racial and cultural relations of the 
different forms of houses on that great island. The points to which he finally directs 

[ 167 ] 

No. 94-95.] MAN. [1913 

attention do not specifically include the relation of house-form to social structure, 
though this problem does appear to be implied in the text of the article, and he is 
far too scientific an anthropologist to overlook it. He suggests, by the way, that 
tree-houses may have originated from pile-houses ; is not the converse also possible ? 

A most suggestive paper, the fruit of careful observation and research, is that 
by Dr. Rivers on " The Disappearance of Useful Arts in Oceania." More will be 
heard of it hereafter ; and the application of his reasoning to other cultures is 

Mr. Malinowski, writing on " The Economic Aspect of the Intichiuma Ceremonies," 
is undoubtedly right in asserting that without the study of religious and magical 
influences any evolutionary scheme of economics must be incomplete. Economics are 
inseparably interwoven with religion and magic. But whatever may be the economic 
effect of the Intichiuma ceremonies as a collective and organised activity, the sus- 
picion will recur that their economic intention is secondary, and not primary. Many 
peoples perform ceremonies for the increase of the food supply. Such ceremonies 
are nowhere so intimately bound up with the totemic organisation, and at the same 
time form so large a part of the collective activities in other words, are so much 
emphasized as among the Arunta and their immediate neighbours, the Kaitish and 
Unmatjera. These are precisely the tribes among which the Central Australian 
totemic system is in process of disintegration. It looks as though the consciously 
economic purpose is developing at the expense of the religious purpose in their 
Intichiuma ceremonies. 

As some of the first-fruits of his recent expedition, Dr. Landtman recounts the 
Kiwai legend of Sido (the Sida of the Reports oj the Cambridge Expedition to 
Torres Straits), and exhibits its connection with the beliefs of the Kiwai-speaking 
peoples in reference to the life after death and the wanderings of the departed. 

Mr. Holsti's long article on " Superstitions, Customs, and Beliefs in Primitive 
Warfare," lays a greatly needed stress on a side of savage life apt to be ignored by 
evolutionist arguments on the competition involved in the struggle for existence. The 
merely materialistic view is shown to ignore elements equally important and far-reaching. 

These and other contents of the volume deserve perusal and consideration on 
the part of anthropological students. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 


THE instructions to selected candidates for the Indian Civil Service of 1913 AC 
have now been issued. The leading characteristics of racial types and their UU 
distribution in India are to be studied in connection with and as part of Indian 
History. Reprints of the articles in the Imperial Gazetteer on Ethnology and Caste, 
Languages, Religions, and Vernacular Literature will be distributed to the future 
rulers of India. The article on Ethnology and Caste is by the late Sir Herbert 
Risley, and summarises the views which he published in the Census Report for 1901, 
Chapter XI. These views have been subjected to severe criticism, even as lately as 
the recent meeting of the British Association. The chapters on languages and the 
vernacular literature are by Sir George Grierson, while Mr. Crooke has written the 
chapter on religion. It is not too much to say that this is a great step forward, and 
there is reason to hope that at long last the pertinacity of the Institute is to be 
rewarded, and that in recognition of the practical value and direct importance of a 
sound knowledge of the ideas and ideals of Indian society and of the manners and 
customs of the peoples of India, selected candidates will be required to possess a 
competent knowledge of these subjects before they are absorbed into the great machine. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAN, 1913. 











[No. 96. 

Scott Macfie. 

Africa, West. With Plate L. 

Shongo Staffs. Ry J- W. Scott Macfic, M.A., JB.Sc. 

Very long ago, so tradition relates, Shongo, the god of thunder and lightning, 
visited the earth in the person of an old man. He carried for his support a staff, 
the height of a man's shoulder, on the head of which were carved two faces. A 
reduced copy of this staff is still used in the rites of Shongo. 

During my residence at Ilorin, Northern Nigeria, in 1912, I was fortunate 
enough to see two of these staffs and to obtain the following notes regarding their 
use. The first was obtained at Iloffa, an Igbona town in the south-eastern part of 
Ilorin, by Mr. P. M. Dwyer, the resident in charge of the province, whose knowledge 
of the customs of the native peoples is unique, and to whom I am indebted for much 
interesting information concerning the worship of Shongo. This staff was 30 cm. 
long, and consisted of a short handle and a Janus-like head carved out of a single 
piece of soft wood. In the free end of the handle a small hole had been pierced. 
The head was flattened laterally, and was carved with two human faces placed back 
to back, and each surmounted by a curious peaked projection. In a lateral view the 
staff looked like an X resting on the top of an I, the peaked projections and the 
profiles of the faces representing respec- 
tively the upper and the lower parts of 
the limbs of the X, and the common neck 
and the handle of the staff forming the I. 
Between the peaked projection and the brow 
of each face there intervened a broad fillet 
marked with a number of vertical cuts 
which probably represented hair, and on 
each side of the staff, from the point where 
these fillets would have met down to the 
root of the neck, extended a vertical band 
carved with horizontal lines. The faces 
were remarkable inasmuch as they were 
certainly not negroid. The noses were 
prominent, the profile of the brow continuous 
with the line of the bridge of the nose, the 
lips thin and pouting, and the chins narrow. 
It is difficult to determine, however, to 
what extent these features were the result 

of design, as the carver may have been influenced by the shape of the block 
of wood on which he was at work. On each cheek there were three incisions 
similar to the Yoruba tribal markings, but these varied, it was said, in different 

The second staff (Plate L) was brought to me from Oke Odde, and like the first 
had been carved out of a single piece of wood. It measured 37 cm. in length, and 
consisted of a head, a body, and a handle. The head, as in the previous example, 
consisted of two faces looking in opposite directions, each surmounted by a peaked 
projection. In this case, however, the faces were grotesque, with enormous misplaced 
ears and slanting eyes. The body was formed by two figures placed back to back, 
and facing in directions at right angles to those of the faces on the head. The one 
figure represented a man playing a flute, and the other a bearded woman kneeling and 
holding forward her breasts. The latter the natives called by the Hau&a name, 
maiyi* affirming that they feared bearded women greatly because they killed men 

* Probably m-iyi, sorcerer ; fern, mii/la. 
[ 169 ] 

No. 96.] 




whilst they slept ami ate them. There were no tribal marks on the cheeks of the 
four faces of this staff. 

My native dresser, an intelligent Yornba of Ilorin, on being shown one of these 
staffs culled it osi, and gave me the following account of its uses which was afterwards 
confirmed both by other natives and by Mr. Dwyer. If a woman were barren, he said, 
she would pray to Shongo for a child. Should she thereafter conceive, the child 
when born would be dedicated to Shongo. At about the age of puberty he would 
be dressed in fine clothes and taken to one of the shrines of Shongo by his mother, 

who would say ; " Look, Shongo, this 
is the child you gave me." A ram 
would then be killed, and for seven 
days there would be feasting ; and 
the child would be smeared with 
camwood, his head covered with 
indigo, and he would be given a staff 
and enjoined to keep silent for a 
period variously stated as seven days, 
one month, and three months. During 
this period nothing would induce him 
to speak ; should he be accosted he 
would simply hold up his staff as a 
sign that he might not answer. 

Adults also carry these staffs. 
For example, my dresser said that if 
he himself were ill he would go to 
a man in the town who would make 
juju and might advise him to " get 
Shongo." In this case he Avould 
procure a staff and carry it, never 
speaking all the time. At the end 
of a certain period, being better, he 
would take some special stones and 
put them with the staff in a wooden 
vessel shaped like a mortar, and 
would kill a ram or a goat beside 
the vessel, and pour the blood over 
the stones in it, and for seven days 
there would be feasting. He would 
not part with the staff, but he might 
lend it to his children "for Shongo." 
The stones used in this rite proved to 
be " celts," which are venerated as 
thunderbolts from Shongo, and some 
of those I procured bore traces of blood. In Fig. 1 one of the wooden vessels 
referred to above is seen. The centre was hollowed out and in shape it resembled 
the wooden mortars in which yams are pounded, but from the positions of the 
rude figures carved on it, it was evidently intended to stand bottom uppermost. 
Two " Shongo stones," " celts," are shown lying on it. 

Fig. 2 illustrates what appear to be developments of the smaller staffs. These 
staffs are not carried in the hand, but are kept in the houses of the worshippers of 
Shongo. I was told that a ram or a sheep was sacrificed before them, and that 
thereafter they Avere considered as juju. Their owners were certainly loth to part 

[ 170 ] 

FIG. 2. 



[Nos. 96-97. 

with them, and owing to this prejudice I was unable to obtain specimens actually 
taken from the houses of natives, the two illustrated being freshly carved. Each 
consisted of a terminal portion which was especially pointed out to me as indicative 
of Shongo, a short handle, and an intermediate curved and painted part. The latter 
portion was decorated, from above downwards in the one case with figures representing 
a man with a drum, a leopard, a bird feeding another bird, and a coiled snake ; and 
in the other a man riding a horse and holding in his right hand a long snake - 
headed stick, a bird, a monkey, and two little drummers placed back to back. The 
taller of the two staffs measured 83 cm. and the shorter 71 cm. 


New Zealand. Keith. 

Moriori in New Zealand. By Arthur Keith. M.D., F.R.S. Q"l 

On his present visit to England, the Rev. H. Mason, of New Zealand, Uf 
brought with him two human skulls which were found in an old deposit at Wanganui, 


of the 




near the south end of the North Island. The crania were sent to the 
Anthropological Institute for examination and report. The crania belonged 
takably to the Moriori race, and differ markedly 
from the crania of the Maori. Although the exact 
degree of antiquity which must be ascribed to tbe 
two crania is not at present ascertainable, all the 
evidence points to their belonging to a pre-Maori 
date. Mr. Mason's discovery thus supports the 
contention that the Moriori, now confined a mere 
remnant to the Chatham Islands, were the in- 
habitants of New Zealand before the arrival of 
the Maori. 

Of the two skulls, one is of an adult, a 
woman ; the other is the cranium of a child 
about eight or nine years of age. The drawings 
of the skull of the adult (Figs. 1, 2, 3) show 
the very distinctive race marks of the Moriori 
as pointed out some years ago by Dr. Duckworth 
the narrow, rather receding forehead, and the 

extremely prominent characteristic parietal emi- 

T>U j .. -i i ^ FlG - 3. VERBEA VIEW OF THE SAME 

nences. 1 he details relating to the measurements ~~~TT~NAT" SIZE) 

Nos. 97-98,] 



can be obtained from the drawings (Figs. 1, 2, 3). The maximum length of the 
woman's skull is 185 mm. ; the width, 130 mm. ; the relation of width to length 
(cephalic index), 70' 3 per cent.; the supra-auricular height, 114 mm.; the cubic 
capacity, 1,150 cc. a small amount. The cranial capacity of the child is 1,130 cc. ; 
the upper face length is short, 60 mm. ; bnt the face is wide the bizygomatic 
diameter being 127 mm. The neck was narrow from side to .side the bima/Jhord 
width being 118 mm. The nose is moderately wide (26 mm.), and high (50 mm.); 
the margins of the nasal aperture are sharp, and the nasal spine is moderately 
marked. The supra-orbital ridges are rather unduly developed for a woman. It 
will be seen that the Moriori are free from negroid characters ; from the con- 
formation of their crania one would suspect that the Maori have a much nearer 
affinity to the negroid stock. The Moriori are related evidently to some of the 
Polynesian and South American races ; at least it is amongst those races one finds 
cranial forms which are comparable. 

The Rev. Mr. Mason informed the writer that the two skulls possibly of 
mother and daughter were found in a stratum of fine sand, about 6 feet to 8 feet 
in depth. This stratum occurs at the base of a cliff near the estuary of a stream. 
The cliff is about 36 feet high. The upper stratum, 8 feet thick, is composed of 
clay ; then follows a stratum, 20 feet in depth, of hard shell rock, and then the 
stratum of sand in which the crania were found at the base of the cliff and near 
the bank of the stream. It is likely that the crania were buried in the stratum of 
sand at the foot of the cliff; they are too fresh in structure and appearance to be 
of the age of the stratum in Avhich they were found. It is hoped that further 
exploration may reveal facts and data from which a more exact estimate may be 
formed of the date at which these peculiar people lived at Wanganui. 

Mr. Mason has deposited the crania in the Museum of the Royal College of 
Surgeons, England. A. KEITH. 


New Zealand. 

An Unusual Form of Tiki. By J. Edge -Par ting ton. 

Mr. Willi Fels, of Dunedin, has sent me a photograph of a very unusual 

form of Tiki in his collection. 

The head of the figure, instead of being to the right 
or left, is in an erect position. It is cut from a 
particularly fine piece of greenstone and is of excellent 
workmanship. The original hole for suspension has 
broken away, and another has, at some early date, been 
rebored from the back, slightly inclining upwards, by 
Maori implements. It was dug up at Ruapekapeka, 
128 miles north of Auckland, about 1908. Another 
very interesting point in this specimen is that it 
has indications of tattooing on head, shoulder, and 
legs, and the edge is ornamented with notches. 
Similar notches are found on adze blades. Mr. Fels 
raises the question as to whether these notches are 
for any practical use or only for ornamentation. I 
certainly can never remember having seen a Tiki 
so notched. Mr. Hamilton, the Director of the 
Dominion Museum, Wellington, N.Z., knows of only 
one other genuine specimen of this type. 


[ 172 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 99-100. 

Ethnology. Reid. 

Illustrated Catalogue of the Anthropological Museum, Marischal College, QQ 
University of Aberdeen. By Professor It. W. Reid, M.D. 1912. Is. UO 

It is not generally known what an excellent museum Professor Reid has succeeded 
in establishing in the University of Aberdeen, so the capital illustrated catalogue of 
it which he has published will come as a revelation to most of his colleagues. The 
museum is evidently arranged on broad lines, and it already possesses a great variety 
of specimens which form an admirable basis for demonstrations of material culture of 
various peoples, past and present. 

In the section dealing with the British Isles the objects range from palteoliths 
to those which are still employed by the folk or which have recently become obsolete. 
There is quite a respectable collection of Egyptian antiquities. In the collections 
from various parts of the world there are several specimens of considerable interest, 
such, for example, as the war-god of wicker-work, decorated with red feathers, 
from the Hawaiian Islands, and the kayak described in Vol. XLII. of the Journ. 
Anthr. Inst. (p. 511). 

Curators are always liable to be led astray by erroneous labels. A collector 
says he obtained a given specimen at a certain place, and he may have done so, but 
it does not always follow that it was made there. During the last century there 
has been so much going to and fro on the earth that one has to keep a sharp look- 
out for discrepancies. Professor Reid has in a very few cases fallen a victim to the 
inaccuracy of his informants, and his forgiveness is requested for pointing out some 
of them : Fig. 30, p. 242, is a Mangaian paddle ; Fig. 40, p. 244, appears to be an 
Australian spear-thrower ; the upper specimen, at all events, of Fig. 140, p. 265, is 
surely Australian ; Fig. 30 (left hand), p. 285, is not a Fiji club. 

It is very " sporting " of the university to publish a catalogue and to provide 
it with so many illustrations. These will be useful alike to the students of the 
university and to ethnologists elsewhere. A. C. HADDON. 

Java. Scheltema: Cooper Clark. 

Monumental Java. 

(To the Editor of MAX, Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell 

Street, London, W.C^) 

12, Nelson Street, Edinburgh. 

SIR, I am grateful for Mr. J. Cooper Clark's suggestive review of my 
Monumental Java in the current issue of MAN, but beg leave, while answering his 
questions, to remonstrate against some of his strictures and dicta. 

I said in my book that the temples still standing on the Die'ng plateau 
" belong to the oldest and finest if by no means the largest of Java," not that they 
are the finest, as he makes me say, which would hardly be doing justice to the 
architectural gems of Central Java, the Boro Budoor, the Mendoot and the groups 
clustered in the plain of Prambanan, not to mention the chandi Panatarau and 
several others in East Java. Neither can they pass with certainty for the oldest, as 
he seems to believe ; the few dates so far discovered do not warrant such a sweeping 

Though the ground-plan of the chandi Kalasan admits, indeed, of a more felici 
tous description than consistent with comparing its form to that of a Greek cross, 
there were actually but four chapels, including the principal middle chamber. The 
eastern projection, not consecrated to religious purposes, was simply a portal or porch 
giving access to that inner sanctum. 

[ 173 ] 

No, 100.] MAN. [1913. 

Whatever the condition of the bas-reliefs on the staircase to the entrance of the 
c/<fiji/li Mendoot, the story of the turtles and the vulture, represented in one of them, 
now almost entirely lost, is no jataka tale, as might be inferred from Mr. Cooper 
Clark's comment. Dr. Brandes demonstrated that the sculptor took his subject from 
the prose version of the Tantri, an old Javanese collection of fables, which, however, 
clearly reveals its Indian origin and an abundant measure of Buddhist influence 
to boot. 

Availing myself of the ready-coined compound term stupa-linga, I endeavoured 
to express the ultra-syncretic character of that strange creation, the chandi Chupuwatu, 
whose master-builder tried to reconcile the homage due to the memory of Buddha, 
the most chaste, with a deep-seated reverence for Siva's supreme virility. 

Finally, I read with astonishment Mr. Cooper Clark's statement that, " in the 
" great diversity of the religious beliefs held by these (the Malayo-Polynesian) 
" peoples there is nothing to show that they were ancestor-worshippers." To con- 
fine ourselves to Malaysia, it is contradicted by the many indications we find of a 
long-lingering belief in the efficacy of sacrifice to the spirits of the departed and of 
ancient rites in honour of deified forefathers. With regard to Java in particular, I 
need only refer to the traditional ceremonial of the ivayang performances. 

The "School of Archaeology" alluded to is probably a lapsus calami for the 
Archaeological Commission now in course of transformation into a full-fledged 
Archaeological Service. 

Thanking you for your courtesy, I am, Sir, yours faithfully, 


(The Editor q/'MAN, Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell Street, 

30, Trevor Square, Knightsbridge. S.W. 

18th September 1913. 

DEAK SIR, I am in receipt of your favour of 9th inst., enclosing a letter from 
Mr. J. F. Scheltema regarding my criticism of his book entitled Monumental Java, 

an( ^ * n re P' v w *" answer his remonstrances in the order 
l, they occur in the letter: 

1. I agree with Mr. Scheltema when he says that 
the group of temples on the Die'ng Plateau " belong 
" to the oldest ... of Java," but not with the 
qualification "and finest," and I quoted my authority 
for saying so at the time. 

2. With regard to the chandi Kalasan, the accom-. 
panying drawing is a rough ground plan of the building, 
and' I leave the reader to decide for himself whether 

" the building, in the form of a Greek cross, had four apartments." 

3. On the 20th April 1908, it was my good fortune to be taken to see the 
chandi Mendoot by Major Van Eerp. The temple had then been partly restored 
(the roof had yet to be finished) and when taking exception to the statement as 
to the condition of the sculptures on the staircase, I referred to the exterior north 
wall ; and further, my remarks were not written from memory, but from a large 
photograph of the wall in question. I do not understand why Mr. Scheltema 
should mention the story of the turtles and the vulture I certainly did not. This 
fable is on the south side, and, therefore, is not one of the eleven jatakas on the 
exterior north wall. 

4. I criticised Mr. Scheltema's reference to a " Polynesian bias to ancestor 
worship " (the italics are mine). Had he written Malaysian (or better Indonesian) 
in the first place, naturally the criticism would have been out of place, but he uses 

[ 174 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 100-101. 

the word with no qualificatory reference to Malays, and this was the point to 
which my criticism was directed. The feature of Polynesian religion was the worship 
of high gods rather than of ancestors. 

5. I am sorry I have been misunderstood in the expression the " School of 
Archaeology." I used the term, not in reference to any definite organisation, but 
in its widest sense the study of Archaeology as an exact science. 

I am, Dear Sir, yours truly, J. COOPER CLARK. 

Anthropology. British Association. 

Anthropology at the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 4 114 
Birmingham Meeting, September \Qth to llth, 1913. Report of Proceedings IUI 
in Section H {Anthropology). 

The Anthropological Section met under the presidency of Sir Richard Temple, 
Bart., C.I.E., who in his presidential address dealt with the administrative value of 
Anthropology. The address is published in full in Nature, Vol. XCIL, p. 207. 


HARRY CAMPBELL, M.D. The Factors ichich have determined Mail's Evolution 
from the Ape. Man's evolution from the ape has essentially been a mental evolution. 
Brain and mind have evolved parri passu by the continued selection of favourable 
hereditable variations. Mental, like morphological, evolution proceeds just so far as, 
but no further than, is needful for adaptive service. 

In order that an advance in intelligence may enhance the chance of survival, 
the individual manifesting the advance must be endowed with the means of turning 
it to practical account. Only a being possessed of prehensile hands, capable of giving 
effect to the dictates of mind, could evolve into man. It was the abandonment of 
an arboreal for a terrestrial life, in the search after animal food, which determined 
man's evolution from the ape. 

Other contributory factors in furthering man's mental evolution were : (1) Poly- 
gamy ; (2) Inter-tribal warfare ; (3) Factors influencing the evolution of the feelings. 

PROFESSOR CARVETH READ. On the Differentiation of Man from the Anthro- 
poids. [ To be published in MAX.] 

PROFESSOR H. J. FLEURE and T. C. JAMES. Ethnography of Wales and the 
Border. About 2,300 individuals have beeu examined. Chief types : 

1. An ancient type (pre-Mediterraneau ?) with large, very long head, index 71, 
prognathous, strong eyebrows, receding forehead, dark colouring. 

2 and 3. Mediterranean types with characters recalling Mongoloid and Negroid 
types respectively. 

4. The average Mediterranean type long head, index 72-79 (average 75), 

strong occipital protuberance, nose straight, slightly prognathous, slightly 
under average stature, dark colouring. 

5. Smooth-contoured Mediterranean type. 

6. Supposed diluted Mediterranean types often have grey eyes, less occipital 

protuberance, no prognathism. 

7. Tall, fair, light-eyed, long or medium-headed men, without prognathism, may 

be considered Nordic. 

8. Tall, fair, light-eyed, broad-headed, short-faced, and frequently aquiline-nosed 

types, may be considered Alpine-Nordic. 

9. Dark, bullet-headed, short, thick-set men, usually considered Alpine. 
10. Powerfully built, intensely dark, broad-headed, and broad-faced men. 

[ 175 ] 

No. 101.] MAN. [1913. 

11. Tall, powerfully built men, with broad head, high forehead, strong eyebrows; 
usually medium brown haired, light eyes, rufous beard. 

In addition to the above types, there are distinctly red-haired individuals, 
Tregaron, in Cardiganshire, being a marked centre for this character. Women fall 
into approximately the same types, though No. 8 is very rare among them ; they 
are distinctly darker than the men, and types 4-6 are specially predominant. 

Skeletons. In the First Dynasty at Tarkhan the female hnmerns, radius, and clavicle 
only show the normal distribution curve of a single variable. The similar male curves 
all show two superposed variables. The bigger one is proportional to the female; 
the smaller type has no distinct, female parallel. 

The female and male curves superposed show the male minority clearly. Besides 
the clear male minority, there is a suggestion of a high and a low group of both 
male and female of about six or seven per cent, of the whole people. That this is 
due to racial mixture is shown by the sudden appearance of a much smaller type 
superposed on the others in the First Dynasty. 

This minority of invaders was about one-ninth of the males in the capital. In 
the first generation each had three native females, and in the next generation two, 
in excess of the normal female numbers. [ To be published by the British School 
of Archeology in Egypt.~\ 

Report of the Committee on the Organisation of Anthropometric Investigation 
in the British Isles. 

DR. L. ROBINSON. The Relations of the Lower Jaw to Articulate Speech. The 
author said his object was to try to explain why man had a chin, and to show 
whether man's peculiar gift of articulate speech would not throw some light on the 
extraordinary differences between man and the anthropoids. The advantage of a 
chin was not merely aesthetic, it was not outside but inside. In the jaws of 
Europeans there were distinct tubercles. First of all the whole jawbone had 
dropped downwards and then on the inner side tubercles had developed. In almost 
every scund uttered by the tongue, the genio-glossal muscle came into play. 
Among the lower races, and particularly those with imperfect speech, the tubercle 
was practically absent. In French and Italian jaws the tubercle was more 
symmetrical than in English jaws, and in Irish jaws it was very much more 
developed. The genio-glossal muscle was not necessary to speech, but in the higher 
races where speech meant much it was more highly developed. 


PROFESSOR W. J. SOLLAS. The Relative Age of the Tribes with Patrilineal 
and Matrilineal Descent in the South-East of Australia. If, as appeared probable, 
Tasmania was peopled by immigration from Australia, and Australia by immigration 
from New Guinea, traces of the more primitive people would be found in the south 
rather than in the north of the continent. Observation showed that this was the 
case. The people of Victoria and South Australia were distinguished by a greater 
simplicity in many directions, and some of them, such as the Kurnai, spoke a 
language which found its closest ally in Tasmanian. Flat-headeduess, a primitive 
character prevalent among the Tasmanians, was increasingly present from north to 
south ; in Queensland, only 3 per cent, were platycephalic ; in New South Wales, 
33 per cent. ; in Victoria, 46 per cent. ; and in the south of South Australia, 
76 per cent., or 1 per cent, more than in Tasmania, where the proportion was 75 per 
cent. Possibly these southern people were no less primitive in other matters, as, 
for instance, in the rule of patrilineal descent ; and it was difficult to resist the 
suggestion that the evolutional change had been from Kurnai through Kulin to 

[ 176 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 101. 

Narrinyeri by the acquisition of new social characters rather than in the reverse 
direction, aud by the loss of these characters. 

DISCUSSION. The practical application of Anthropological Teaching in Unircr- 
sities. [Published in MAN, 1913, 102.] 

E. S. HARTLAND. The Historical Value of the Traditions of the Baganda. 
[To le published in the Journ. R. Anthr. Inst.~\ 

REV. GEORGE HALL and W. H. R. RIVERA M.A., M.D., F.R.S. A Gypsy 
Pedigree and its Lessons. An analysis of the pedigree of a well-known family 
extending over six generations shows a great increase in the proportion of marriages 
outside the gypsy community in the later as compared with the earlier generations 
of the family, and a large proportion of marriages between relatives. In the earlier 
generations there is one case of marriage with a half-sister, and two between 
uncle and niece. Marriages between cousins of various kinds occur throughout, but 
less frequently in proportion to the total number in the later generations. In the 
cases of the marriage of first cousins the children of two brothers have married more 
frequently than the children of brother and sister or of two sisters. Several cases of 
polygamy are recorded, and an examination of the marriages of widows and widowers 
show no trace of the Levirate, and only one case of marriage with the deceased 
wife's sister. 

T. W. THOMPSON, M.A. Gypsy Taboos and Funeral Rites. A woman's dress 
must not touch any article of food, or any vessel in which food is prepared or from 
which it is eaten. There are many other similar prohibitions, multiplied and 
intensified on the occasion of child-birth, based on the belief that the same 
contaminating influence emanates from anything used in the washing of apparel or 
of the person, and anything connected with the toilet or with the bed ; also from 
any sick person, together with spells and bad luck, which cling to and are conveyed 
in clothing. This seems to throw some light on the custom of burning, or otherwise 
destroying, the effects of a dead person, which is the main feature of gypsy funeral 
rites. Fear of the ghost doubtless underlies the prohibition on the use of the name 
of the dead person, and on the indulgence in his favourite food or drink or form of 
amusement. It probably accounts for the now extinct customs of burying the body 
in an isolated place or in a ditch, and of planting thorns over the grave. 

Dread of contamination is perhaps responsible for the fact that offences against 
chastity used to be punished by death, or by branding and expulsion from the band, 
and this same dread seems to underlie their one-time aversion from marriage in 

The variety and instability of their marriage rites as contrasted with the unity 
and persistence of their funeral rites suggest that they originally had none at all, 
but acquired such as they have practised from time to time by borrowing from 
European peoples. 

MRS. CHARLES TEMPLE. Social Organisation amongst the Primitive Tribes of 
Northern Nigeria. The basic principle of all the institutions of these tribes was to 
place the interests of the community first and those of the individual second. 

Land tenure : They realised that it was essential that each individual should 
have the right to occupy sufficient land for his needs and for that of his family, 
but that there should be no individual monopoly. 

Unoccupied lands are jealously claimed and protected. Land cannot be bought, 
sold, or mortgaged, for the living individual has a right of occupancy only. 

Every able-bodied male is expected to turn out for common defence. A man 
with his wife and children does not live to himself for his own aggrandisement or 
theirs, but as a unit of a larger family, owing allegiance to the senior, or patriarch, 


No= 101,] MAN. : 

who is, as a rule, the oldest male member of a generation. There is no " socialism " 
or " collectivism." Besides blood relations the family consists of dependants and 
slaves, who all owe allegiance to the Family Head. In many tribes these patriarchs 
formed a council of elders and together directed the affairs of the community, 
under the chairmanship of one of their number. Those tribes, however, who had 
united for purposes of defence and expansion, recognised one tribal chief, and he 
would often appoint sub-chiefs with jurisdiction over certain clearly defined areas. 

Sometimes the chiefs also performed the duties of high priest ; sometimes 
however, others were appointed to this office. Punishment for crimes inflicted by 
the communal authority generally takes the form of compelling the -criminal to com- 
pensate the injured party, though amongst certain communities habitual malefactors 
are sold out of, or banished from, their tribe. In doubtful cases ordeal is employed, 
when, e.g., the accused is invited to establish his innocence by drinking water 
poisoned with sasswood, the elders having already decided the effect it is to produce. 
Death by ordeal is therefore a mode of execution like any other. 

MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARXE, M.A. Some Notes on Hausa Magic. Love- 
charms consist of decoctions which must be eaten by the person desired, and there 
is usually some spittle of the amorous swain contained in them. Wives can deceive 
their husbands Avith complacence by using the eartli from a grave,' or the hand of a 
corpse, which produce a soporific effect. The most common amulet against the evil 
eye or evil mouth is the hand or " five " (fingers). A shred of the clothing or some 
other article of the evil wisher neutralises the influence. 

If the Arab prayers fail to have any effect upon a drought, the Hausas go in 
procession to a shrine on a hill near the city, and there offer a sacrifice, summon 
the bori, and perform the takai dance. 

Sacrifices are offered to Uwar-Gwona (Farm-Mother) when the corn begins to 
appear, and she increases the crops of her worshippers. 

Hunters and warriors can make talismans which confer invisibility, and if a 
young girl with her first teeth helps, the wearer will -be protected against all ; 
but boys with their first teeth can wound persons protected only by ordinary 

W. J. PERRY, B.A. The Orientation of the Dead in Indonesia. \_To be. 
published in Journ. R. Anthr. Insf.^ 

W. H. R. RIVERS, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. Sun-cult and Megaliths in Oceania. 
It can be established either by direct evidence or by inference that there was a 
seasonal character attached to the cult of the Areois in the Marquesas, and the 
celebrations of Melanesian secret societies, such as the Dukduk of New Britain, the 
Matambala of the Solomon Islands, and the Tamati of Southern Melanesia. 

The representation of the movements of the sun by such a simile as that of 
birth and death suggests that these beliefs and practises were brought by immigrants 
from some northern latitude. 

There is a striking correspondence in the distribution of the secret societies of 
Oceania and the presence of structures constructed of large stones, as e.g., in Tahiti 
and the Marquesas. The islands in which Oceanic stonework Jhas reached its highest 
development are the Carolines, and both here and in the neighbouring Marianne 
Islands there were societies whose name and functions show them .to havp been 
closely akin to the Areois of Eastern Polynesia. 

In Melanesia structures made of worked stone have been found in only three 
places the Banks and Torres Islands and Ysabel, in the Solomons. The Banks and 
Torres Islands are strongholds of the secret cults, and there is a definite tradition 
that the Matambala of the Solomons came originally from Ysabel. If there should 
be established the presence of a sun-cult as the main underlying purpose of the 

[ 178 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 101. 

secret societies of Oceania, the correspondence of their distribution with that of 
megalithic structures would provide evidence of great value in relation to the 
problem of the unity of the megalithic culture. It must be noted, however, that 
we have no evidence of any cult of the sun in Tonga, the megalithic structures of 
which resemble most closely those of other parts of the world. 

Miss C. S. BURNE. Souling, dementing, and Catterning : Three November 
Customs of the Western Midlands. Early calendar festivals were at once religious, 
social, and economic. The Celtic and, maybe, the Teutonic year also, began and 
ended in November. It was a season of social enjoyment and also a Feast of the 
Dead. In Cheshire, North Shropshire, and North Staffordshire, on November 1st, 
children beg for cakes, ale, and apples. This they call " Souling." But in South 
Staffordshire the dole of ale and apples is solicited on St. Clement's Day, November 
23rd ; in North Worcestershire on St. Katharine's, November 25th. The name 
varies accordingly. The observances as practised to-day show traces of early agri- 
cultural custom, of successive importations of foreign culture, and of the growth and 
decay of early economic institutions. [To be published in Folklore.~\ 

Miss M. A. MURRAY. Evidence for the Custom, of Killing the King in Ancient 
Egypt. [ To be published in MAN.] 

J. H. POWELL. Hook-swinging in India. Hook-swinging is still practised 
in certain villages of Chota Nagpur. Two hooks with rope attached to each are 
inserted in either side of the victim's back. He is then conducted to a raised 
platform bound to a long cross-pole pivoted on a tall upright post, elevated to the 
necessary height, and then rotated. A careful examination of records goes to show 
that it is a Dravidiau and not a Hindu rite. 

Hook-swinging is not synonymous with swinging on hooks. Suspension and 
rotation are the essential features of the ceremouy. There are grounds for supposing 
hook-swinging to be a commuted form of human sacrifice. Further, if we examine 
the well-known Meriah- sacrifice of the Khands, we find that rotation of the victim 
was in certain places a very common feature of the ritual, and it is probable that 
from, such form of human sacrifice hook-swinging has descended. [ To be published 
in full in Folklore.~\ 

W. CROOKE, B.A'. The Stability of Tribal and Caste Groups in India. \_To 
be published in Journ. R. Anthr. InstJ] 

MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARXE, M.A. The Bori Cult in Tunis and Tripoli. 
There are two principal classes of bori those of the city and those of the forest 
the former being mostly Arab jinns, and regarded as disease spirits, the others pagan 
nature-gods. Generally speaking, the spirits have human forms with cloven hoofs, 
though they can assume any form at will. All bori move like the wind. 

The bori live in Jan Gari, the Red City, which is alleged to be situated between 
Air and Aghat. Soothsaying is one of the functions of the masu-bori. Each member 
of the sect specialises in certain spirits. The male performers are known as "horses," 
the female as " mares " of the bori. Each temple in Tunis and Tripoli is a long, 
narrow room in an Arab house, in which are hung the trappings of the dancers and 
offerings to the bori. Kuri's private apartment is screened off, and must not be entered 
except by the Arifa, the chief priestess, being a veritable holy of holies. At the 
dances an altar is erected and a he-goat (after having been censed and specially fed) 
and a cock are sacrificed in front cf it. Then the bori ride the mounts, and the 
dances begin, each performer making some characteristic movements, and then sneezing 
and expelling the spirit. 

DR. G. LANDTMAN. The Ideas of the Kiwai Papuans regarding the Soul. The 
Kiwai Papuans use the same word for "soul," "shadow," "reflection in the water," 

[ 179' ] 

NO. lot] MAN. 11913. 

and " picture " ; of these the shadow in particular is associated with the soul. Soul 
and body are to a considerable extent independent of each other. The soul when 
separated from the body appears, sometimes at any rate, as rather a corporeal being, 
which can be seen and touched, and in the legends a ghost is often mistaken for a 
living person. Dreams are attributed to the soul wandering about and seeing various 

The souls of sick people in particular are in danger of being removed by male- 
volent spirits or otherwise, for which reason the sick are watched over by their friends, 
and certain rules have to be observed for their protection. In a case of a very severe 
illness the spirit of the sick person is thought to wander about, and several means 
exist for bringing it back. In the excitement of a fight the soul of a man may jump 
out of his body, as shown by the fury of those fighting, and it has in certain cases to 
be brought back. For the same reason the soul of a murderer comes out of his body 
and is thought to follow the ghost of his victim at night. People who have been 
killed by a crocodile or snake, and also suicides, try to lure their friends into a death 
similar to their own by first carrying away their souls. 

The appearance of the soul of a living man constitutes an omen, and therefore 
the old men watch in the night before a fight. If they recognise some warrior's soul 
that man must not take part in the forthcoming fight or he will be killed. The soul 
of a man does not necessarily leave the body at the moment when he is being killed 
but some time previously, in a sort of presentiment. A man may sometimes see his 
own soul, which forebodes his death. 

Pigs and dogs have souls, and at all events in some cases when killed go to 
.4.diri, the land of the dead. 

Miss M. A. CZAPLICKA. The Influence of Environment upon the Religious Ideas 
and Practices of the Aborigines of Northern Asia. In Northern Asia or Siberia there 
are two main types of geographical environment, with corresponding variations in 
the forms of shamanism observed there. These types may be termed northern and 

1. Along the whole northern section, a boundless lowland zone, consisting of 
tundra, fishing and hunting can be carried on in summer only, and reindeer-breeding 
is scarcely possible, owing to the deficient vegetation. The people live for nine months 
of the year in underground or half-underground houses. 

2. Farther south the land rises to the Siberian highlands. Here the inhabitants 
of the steppes lead an open-air, nomadic, pastoral, or hunting life. The climate is. 
" Continental." 

I. In the north we see the influence of darkness, cold, and scarcity of food on the 
religious ideas of the people. There is a religious dualism, but the worship of " black " 
spirits prevails. Family shamanism is more important than professional shamanism, 
since the environment does not encourage social aggregation. The animals on which 
the people's livelihood depends are the objects of cult, inanimate objects of worship 
being generally symbols of them. There is no clear idea of an anthropomorphic god ; 
the distinction between men and animals disappears in myths and in representations 
of superior beings. Ceremonials are almost exclusively seasonal, and are connected 
with the food supply and with the expulsion of the bad spirits. 

; II. In the south we find a religious dualism in which the " white " element 
prevails. Life amid open country and mountains. has led to worship of the sky and 
heavenly bodies. Animals are respected, but not worshipped. In the mythology it is 
the man that plays an heroic part. Comparative abundance of food permits certain 
spontaneous ceremonial expressions of religious feeling not necessarily connected with 
the food supply. The shaman is a professional. Bloody sacrifices predominate in the 

[ 180 ] 

1913J MAN. [No. 101. 

south. The ongon is not merely a fetish, but the image of a god. [ To be published 
in Folklore.] 

PROF. T. WITTOX DAVIES. The Female Magician in Semitic Magic. 

Report of the Committee on the Production of Certified Copies of Hausa 


R. R. MARETT, M.A., D.Sc. Recent Archaeological Discoveries in the Channel 
Islands. 1. In continuing the excavation of the cave known as La Cotte de St. 
Brelade, and the neighbouring area, the entrance of a second cave or, possibly, of 
a cave running right round the back of the ravine continuous with La Cotte was 
discovered. Here a Mousterian floor with characteristic implements was reached at 
a depth of 27 feet. 

2. Exploration of a dolmen, containing interments, pottery, &c., at Les Monts 
Grantez, at St. Ouen's, Jersey. 

3. Discovery and examination of a cist or dolmen of a type novel to the island, 
with surrounding stone circles and graves, at L'Islet, St. Sampson's, Guernsey. 

4. Other recent finds, ranging from alleged eoliths (Jersey) and palaeoliths 
(Guernsey) to a stone object resembling a mould, found in the Lower Peat i.e., at 
the neolithic level but more probably belonging to a later period (Jersey). 

W. DALE, F.S.A. Flint Instruments found in the County of Hampshire. A 
series of " celts " from the county of Hants, found in the surface soil, or never at 
a greater depth than two feet, was exhibited which might be classed as Neolithic. 
A study of the forms of the implements abroad belonging to the later ages of the 
Palaeolithic period and a comparison with implements found on well-known British 
sites, such as Grimes's Graves and Cissbury, have resulted in the opinion that many 
of the chipped celts found at the places named and elsewhere should be considered 
late Palaeolithic rather than Neolithic. 

J. P. BusHE-Fox. Excavations on the Site of the Roman Town of Viroconium, 
at Wroxeter, Salop. The area within the walls amounted to about 170 acres about 
one-third larger than Silchester. The site appears to have been inhabited from the 
earliest days of the Roman conquest. Tombstones of soldiers of the Fourteenth 
Legion have been found in the cemetery. The town, situated at the junction of 
two of the main Roman roads, appears to have grown into one of the largest 
Romano-British centres. 

Although all the buildings found differed considerably, yet their general arrange- 
ment was similar. They appeared to have been large shops, with dwelling-rooms 
at the back and wooden or stone verandahs or porticoes in front, under which ran 
a continuous pathway parallel to the street. One house showed as many as five 
distinct constructions, which had been superimposed one on the other. 

Among small objects found are engraved gems from rings, brooches of different 
metals one set with stones and others enamelled portions of two small statuettes 
of Venus and one of Juno Lucina ; also a small pewter statuette of Victory. One 
of the most interesting was a pewter circular bronze disc with a device, in different 
coloured enamels, of an eagle holding a fish. Nothing similar to it of the Roman 
period in Britain appears to have been found before. 

Pottery of every description came to light, including specimens from most of 
the principal Roman potteries on the Continent. The coins ranged from Claudius 
to Gratian (A.U. 41 to A.D. 383). 

This year a temple has been uncovered. It consisted of a podium measuring 
25 feet by 31 feet, the walls of which were formed of large blocks of red sandstone. 

No. 101.] MAN. [1913. 

Enclosing walls surrounded the podium. The entrance into a courtyard in front was 
from the main street under a portico of six columns. The whole structure measured 
94 feet deep by 55 feet wide. 

Areas to the north and west of the temple buildings are now being excavated. 

The coins found number over 200 and date from the Republican period to 
Theodosius I. \_To be published in ArchceologiaJ] 

T. A.SHBY, M.A., D.Litt. The Via Appia. The Via Appia played a very 
important part in the advance of the Roman power into South Italy. As far as 
Beneventum its course is certain, and considerable remains of it exists ; but beyond 
this town there is considerable doubt about its course. 

In the neighbourhood of Bari, in the territory traversed by the Via Traiana, are 
the only dolmens and menhirs to be found in Italy, except the group in ' the Terra 
d'Otranto, and a somewhat unexpected discovery Avas that of a group of four hitherto 
unknown menhirs close to the road. 

T. ASHBY, M.A., D.Litt. The Aqueducts of Ancient Rome. The principal 
supplies of water were derived from, the upper valley of the Anio. The second, of 
the aqueducts, constructed in 272-269 B.O., drew its water and its name from the 
river itself ; while the third, the Aqua Marcia, built in 144-140 B.C., made use of some 
very considerable springs on the right bank of the river. During the following 
century use was made of various springs in the more immediate neighbourhood of 
the city ; bat Caligula's engineers returned to the Anio Valley, and the Aqua Claudia 
and Anio Novus, both completed in A.D. 52, drew their water respectively from the 
springs which the Marcia had already tapped and from 1 the river. The remains of 
these four aqueducts are very considerable and- comparatively little known, and by 
careful research on the spot it has been possible to determine their course with fair 
accuracy from the springs to the city, even in the portion where they ran underground 
through the lower slopes of the Alban Hills. 

DR. WILLOUGHBY GARDNER. Excavations at the Hill-foot in Parc-y-Meirc 
Wood, Kenmell Park, Abcrgcle. [ To be published in Report Brit. Assoc., as an 
Appendix to the Report of the Committee to co-operate in Excavations on Roman 
Sites in Britain."] 

R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON, M.A. A Discussion on a Neio System of Decipher- 
ment of the .Hittite Hieroglyphs lately published by the Society of Antiquaries. 
[For full account of the System of Decipherment, see Archceologia, Vol. LXIV.~\ 

R. CAMPBELL-THOMPSON, M.A. Ancient Assyrian Medicine. There are about 
500 tablets or fragments of tablets unpublished in the British Museum. They relate to 
diseases of the head, hair, eyes, nose, ears, mouth, teeth, stomach, and other organs ; 
the treatment of pregnancy and difficult travail ; poultices, potions,, and enemas ; and 
the assuaging of snake bites or scorpion stings. The drugs in use can be numbered 
by the score. Several have already long been satisfactorily identified.. I believe 
that I have been able to identify two narcotics^ one, the " Heart-plant," as one of. 
the Hyoscyami, some years previously ; the other as the mandrake, to be used in 
allaying headache by continuous applications to the head and neck. 

In the tablets relating to eye diseases, the lish-a-bar is a drug of fairly common 
occurrence, and from its connection with the mineral a-bar (probably antimony) I see 
in it the well-known stibium used by Orientals. Another mineral in use for eye 
troubles is copper dust, in which we may see the forerunner of the more modern 
sulphate of copper. 

PROFESSOR J. L. MYRES. A Contribution to the Archaeology of Cyprus. 
A recent re-examiuatiou ,of the Cesnola collection x>f Cypriote antiquities in the 

1913.] MAN. [No. 101. 

Metropolitan Museum of New York had extended the upward limit of time for the 
great series of votive statues, belonging to a period in which the Assyrian influence, 
which characterised the early half of the seventh century, was not yet fully developed, 
and Syro-Cappadocian affinities were seen. Minoan types of costume, introduced in 
the later Bronze Age, remained in ceremonial use, and probably also iu daily life, far 
into the .historical period. The Cypriote script began to show forms linking it with 
the TMinoan. A fragment of an engraved bowl of Oriental design repeated the subject 
of the well-known hunting bowl found near Rome, and was probably from the same 
hand and workshop, thus showing the wide distribution of these works of art and the 
probability that they were the output of a few closely related centres of industry. 
One of those centres might very likely have been in Cyprus. 

Gr. A. WAIXWRIGHT. The People of Keftiu and the Isles from the Egyptian 
Monuments. Hitherto the people of Keftiu and the Isles have been regarded as one, 
and as the equivalent of Cretans. But on analysis the greater part of the Keftiuan 
civilisation is not Cretan but Syrian. The Philistine confederacy consisted of a 
group of allied tribes, the name of one of which (Cherethites) is translated in the 
LXX as Cretans. The Caphtorim are translated as Cappadocians. Hence Caphtor 
is probably Asia Minor, and in Rameses Ill.'a sculptures of the Pnlosatu or Philistines 
they are shown with an Asia Minor dress and equipment. Therefore the identification 
of both Keftiu and Caphtor witli Crete has come about owing to the presence of 
Cretans with each of them ; these being the People of the Isles with the Keftiuans, 
and the Cherethites with the Caphtorim or Philistines proper. Keftiu then appears 
to be Cilicia. 

For a view of her civilisation it is necessary to isolate it. To do this a corpus 
of that of each extreme Syria and the Isles is taken. Out of the eighty-seven 
Keftiuau objects available for study sixty are found to be of Syrianising types, while 
twenty-seven are peculiar to Keftiu. 

PROFESSOR W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, LL.D., D.C.L., F.R.S. Recent Discoveries 
of the British School in Egypt. A valley at Tarkhan was cleared and found to 
contain some 800 more graves closely grouped on each side of an axial road. 
Thousands of well-to-do people were buried here within two or three generations, 
and w must regard this as the pre-Memphite capital of Egypt, the critical meeting 
point of the earliest historical race of Egypt with the prehistoric peoples. 

The earliest stage of the mastaba and tomb chapel can here be seen in perfection. 
In the graves were large numbers of alabaster vases, slate palettes, and pottery vases ; 
the types of these serve to date the graves to the various reigns shortly before and 
after Mena. Several blue glazed vases were found, showing that such glazing was 
commonly in use. 

Another site, at Gerzeh, a few miles further south, has given good results of the 
Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties. Large cemeteries were cleared and some immense 
stone tombs with chambers as large as those of pyramids. The finds included a 
gold pectoral inlaid with coloured stones, like the pectorals of the celebrated jewellery 
of 'Dahshur in the Cairo Museum. With it was part of a similar jewel of Senusert II. 
and a gold shell of Senusert III. 

At Memphis more statuary and sculpture of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth 
Dynasties have been found. Some workshops have yielded all the various stages 
of the manufacture of stone vases ; other shops contained a great variety of 
coloured stones brought from the Eastern Desert and from abroad, including the 
beaniifnl bright green felspar in granite, not known before. A remarkable standard 
measaire was found of .Ptolemaic age, the accuracy of which is finer than a hundredth 
of an inch; the ^taojdard is a cubit of 26'8 inches, known in Egvpt under the 

it -183 3 

No. 101.] MAN. [1913. 

Eighteenth Dynasty, and used in Asia Minor, classical Germany, and mediaeval 
England. \_To be published by the British School of Archeology in Egypt. ~\ 

DR. CAPITAN. Les dernieres Decouvertes d'CEuvres d'Art Paleolithiques dans 
les Cavcrncs de la Garth. Depuis quelqnes mois nos decouvertes en Dordogne avec 
Peyrony et Bouyssonie ont montre qu'il existait une antre variete d'ouvres d'art 
quaternaires. Ce sont des gravures executees sur des dalles ou des blocs de pierre 
trreguliers de 20 cm. a 70 cm. de largeur rencontres au milieu des foyers de 1'epoque 
magdalenienne a La Madeleine et a Limeuil (Dordogne). Ces tres belles gravures 
non encore ptibliees sont d'un art tres remarquable. Elles representent surtout des 
rennes, des chevaux, des bouquetins. Quelques tres belles sculptures en ivoire de 
petite dimension accompagnaient ces pieces. 

T. C. CANTRILL, B.Sc., F.G.S. Stone Boiling in the British Isles. Throughout 
the British Isles few ancient sites have been explored that have not yielded occasional 
burnt stones, which have no doubt rightly been regarded as pot boilers or as heaters 
employed in some form of oven. But large heaps of burnt, cracked, and broken 
stones, minged with charcoal dust, although frequent near springs and streams in 
districts devoid of other evidences of ancient occupation, such as camps, villages, or 
hut circles, have seldom been recorded, and if noted have not always been understood. 
In Great Britain a growing volume of evidence supports the view that the practice 
of stone boiling once ranged from the Shetlands to the English Channel. 

It is evident from previous records that in some cases heaps of pot boilers have 
been mistaken for burial mounds and for primitive smelting places. The boiling 
troughs, where of wood, have been supposed to be canoes, and where of stone, have 
been assumed to be sepulchral cists. Sometimes the hearth or floor of the cooking 
place was roughly pared with stone slabs and fenced with a low stone wall, and 
these features have been mistaken for " stone circles," or for the lower courses of 
beehive huts. 

DR. T. J. JEHU and A. J. B. WAGE, M.A. Excavations in the Kinkell Cave, 
St. Andreivs. A raised beach records an uplift of land after the appearance of 
neolithic man. The cave had been inhabited in Roman and early Christian times. 
The central date is given by a sherd of terra sigillata (Samian ware), fofind half-way 
down the desposit. Quantities of shells and animal bones were discovered, all the 
remains of food. On the top of this stratum a slab of red sandstone with incised 
crosses was discovered, which probably belongs to the early Christian period. 

PROFESSOR G.ELLIOT SMITH, F.R.S. The Evolution of the Dolmen. [To be 
published in MAN.] 

H. J. E. PEAKE. The Early Bronze Age in the Lower Rhone Valley. A 
survey of the implements found in the lower valley of the Rhone shows that the 
inhabitants of this part of France were only slightly acquainted with the use of 
metal during the earlier phases of the Bronze Age. A map showing the distribution 
of flat celts throughout this area seems to indicate that during the first Bronze 
Period the people were in a neolithic state of culture, though a few bronze imple- 
ments had reached the edge of the area either from Switzerland or from the north- 
west. More than one line seem to radiate from the pass of Mont Genevre, the most 
conspicuous of these passing to the south-west in the direction of Narbonne. This 
seems to indicate a line of trade between the Po Valley and the copper mines of 

O. G. S. CRAWFURD, M.A. Trade between Britain and France in the Neolithic 
and Bronze Ages. With the discovery of green-stone axes in a county like Hamp- 
shire (where no such rock occurs) resembling in shape those made in, e.g., Brittany, 

[ 184 ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos, 101-102. 

where the stone occurs naturally, we may infer intercourse, probably commercial, 
between Brittany and England. The evidence for bronze axes rests mainly upon 
the type, but this is very clearly marked. Since the publication of Ancient Bronze 
Implements in 1881 numerous additions have been made to the number of axes of 
French type found in Britain. [Published in LAnthropologieJ\ 

REV. F. SMITH. Palaeolithic "Guillotine" Trap-stones. If prehistoric man 
were a strategic hunter, we may naturally assume that very early in his career he 
learned to throw down his " missile " upon a passing quarry or enemy, and that it 
became in time a heavy pointed stick, and finally, with greatly enhanced effect, a 
pointed stone. , 

It is suggested that in the abnormally large palaeolithic implements we have 
examples of trap-stones, too large for use in the hand, used in similar fashion to 
the suspended block of wood armed with a knife now in use among many primitive 

A. IRVIXG, D.Sc., B.A. Prehistoric Horse Remains in the Stort Valley, S>c. 
Teeth and limb bones have come to hand which fall into two series : (1) those of 
a horse of the Stortford-Grimaldi-Starnberg type ; (2) those which answer to the 
"Solutrean" (Equus robustus) type of Professor J. C. Ewart. They have been 
found for the most part in and under the bottom of the " Rubble-Drift " of the 

Report of the Committee on the Age of Stone Circles. 

Report of the Committee on Prehistoric Site at Bishop's Stortjord. 

Report of the Committee on Palceolithic Sites in the West of England. 

Third Report of the Committee on Artificial Islands in the Lochs of the 
Highlands of Scotland. 

Report of the Committee on the Lake Villages in the neighbourhood of 

British Association. Sir R. Temple and others. 

Report of a Discussion on " The Practical Application of Anthropological 
Teaching in Universities" held in Section H of the British Association, at 
Birmingham, Friday, September \2th, 1913. 


The object of this paper is to provide a basis for a discussion on the advisability 
and on ways and means of establishing a School of Applied Anthropology. 

In the course of my Presidential Address to Section H (Anthropology), it is 
explained that the desire of teachers and students of Anthropology is to acquire and 
impart abstract knowledge about human beings which men of affairs and commerce 
can confidently apply in the daily business of practical life to the benefit of themselves 
and of those with whom they come in contact, such knowledge being based on 
inquiries methodically conducted on lines which experience has shown will lead to 
the minimum of error in observation and record. 

It is pointed out that it is not enough in the case of mankind, or, indeed, of 
almost any living thing, to study physical structure only, but that the product of the 
mind, as shown in habits of thought and action, must also be studied. The anthro- 
pologists have, therefore, divided their subject into the two main heads of Physical 
and Cultural Anthropology, the former being concerned with the structure of the 
body, and the latter with manners and customs and other results of mental activity. 

L 185 ] 

No. 102.] MAN. [1913. 

When the extent and nature of the British Empire is examined, it becomes 
apparent that the complexity of the Empire and its distribution over the world makes 
the subject of its administration, both officially and commercially, an immensely 
important one for the British people. As the Empire is governed from the British 
Isles, it is inevitable that a large number of young men must be sent out annually 
to its various component parts, and be entrusted in due course with the adminis- 
trative, commercial, and social control over many alien races. If their relations with 
the foreign peoples with whom they come in contact are to be successful, they must 
acquire a working knowledge of the habits, customs, and ideas that govern the 
conduct of those peoples, and of the conditions in which they pass tlieir lives. All 
those who succeed find out these things for themselves, and discern that success is 
dependent on the knowledge they may attain of those with whom they have to 
deal. They set about learning what they can, but of necessity empirically and as a 
side issue, as it were, in the immediate and imperative business of their lives. But 
the man who is obliged to obtain the requisite knowledge empirically, and without 
any previous training in observation, is heavily handicapped indeed in comparison 
with him who has already acquired the habit of right observation, and, what is of 
much more importance, has been put in the way of correctly interpreting his 
observations in his youth. 

To put the proposition in its briefest form, in order to succeed in administrative 
or commercial life abroad a man must use tact. Tact is the social expression of 
discernment and insight, qualities born of intuitive anthropological knowledge, and 
that is what it is necessary to induce in those sent abroad to become eventually the 
controllers of, and dealers with, other kinds of men. What is required, therefore, is 
that in youth they should have imbibed the anthropological habit, so that, as a result 
of having been taught how to study mankind, they may learn what it is necessary to 
know of those about them correctly and in the shortest possible time. The years of 
active life now unavoidably wasted in securing this knowledge, often inadequately and 
Incorrectly, even in the case of the ablest, can thus be saved. 

The important point to bear in mind is. that in dealing with men "intellect 
" is all very well, but sympathy counts for very much more." And so the anthro- 
pologists desire to instil into the minds of those at home, who guide the work of 
representatives abroad, that the sound administration of the affairs of men can only 
be based on cultured sympathy, springing in its turn from sure knowledge, compe- 
tent study, and accurate inquiry conducted on a right method, itself the result of 
continuous experience. 

Incidentally anthropological inquiry is an intensely interesting occupation to those 
who have mastered the preliminary study, and no better way of filling up the leisure 
hours of a European in a foreign country could be found, especially in remote and 
lonely localities. 

The situation has, for some years past, been appreciated by those who have 
occupied themselves with Anthropology as a science, and several efforts have been 
made by the Royal Anthropological Institute and the Universities of Oxford, Cam- 
bridge, and London, at any rate, to bring the public benefits accruing from the 
establishment of anthropological schools before the Government and the people of this 
country. With the co-operation of some of the Colonial Governments, practical work 
has been done by all these bodies towards teaching Anthropology to probationers and 
candidates for the Civil Services in Africa, India, and elsewhere, and it is a matter 
of public importance that great centres of education and commerce should give 
practical encouragement to the study by the establishment of a School of Applied 
Anthropology, with a special museum and library attached. These last are necessary, 
because the kind of students desired need not only competent teachers to guide them, 

[ 186 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 102. 

bat also a library and a museum close at hand, where they can find the information 
they want and the illustration of it. 

t venture to suggest that the City of Birmingham, with its university, possesses 
peculiar facilities for the formation of a School of Applied Anthropology and also of 
its library and museum, as the city has all over the empire its commercial representatives, 
who can collect the required museum specimens on the spot. The financial labours 
also of those who distribute these men over greater Britain, and, indeed all over the 
world, produce means to create the library and the school, and their universal interests 
provide the incentive for securing. for those in their employ the best method of 
acquiring a knowledge of men that can be turned to useful commercial purpose. 

After his opening statement, the President read the following extracts from 
letters received from those who had been invited to take part in the discussion but 
were unable to attend : 

Egyptian Army and Governor-General of the Sudan. 

. . . I am in entire sympathy with every word you say, and in the evidence 
I gave before the Commission for the Establishment of a School of Oriental Languages 
in London, under the Presidency of the late Sir Alfred Lyall, I briefly referred to 
the great importance of the study of Anthropology, not only for administrators, but 
also for merchants, missionaries, and others whose lives are spent in our Colonies, 
Dependencies, and Protectorates. ... So impressed also was I with the impor- 
tance of the study of Anthropology that I arranged for anthropological lectures to 
be given to probationers to the Sudan Civil Service at Oxford and Cambridge, and, 
in order to provide material for these lectures and to assist in anthropological 
research in the Sudan, we have obtained the services of Dr. Seligmann, who, accom- 
panied by Mrs. Seligmann, has already carried out one or two journeys in the Sudan, 
and is, I believe, now occupied in the preparation of a book on his discoveries. 

From SIR FRAXK SWETTENHAM, G.C.M.G., late Governor of the Straits Settlements 
and High Commissioner of the Federated Malay States. 

I have read your *' suggestions " with much interest, and if you will 
allow me to say so, I cordially concur with all you say. Such a school as you 
suggest would no doubt be extremely useful, but, if instituted mainly with the idea 
that it would help our young administrators to a right knowledge of, and sympathy 
with, the people they may be sent to govern or to minister to in other ways, then 
I confess that I should put the study of Oriental and other languages and the study 
of administration, especially the administration of Eastern peoples, first. I mention 
Eastern peoples because we have 300,000,000 subjects in British India, a million 
Chinese in British Colonies and Protected States in the East, and about a million 
Malays in the same places, to say nothing of the population of Ceylon Sinhalese 
and Tamils. Until this country founds and supports a School of Oriental Languages I 
hardly see how the student is to arrive at a real knowledge of Oriental people. Until 
we teach the art of administration, we can only rely upon the genius of our race to 
fit our young men to administer properly and sympathetically the affairs of Eastern 
and other alien peoples. I admit that we have been successful in the past, but I also 
know that knowledge has often been gained at the expense of those we rule. We 
send men to teach them, but the teachers must begin by learning almost everything 
that makes for really successful work. You cannot teach sympathy, but without 
that the rest will never give the best results. 

f 187 1 

No. 102.] MAN. [1913. 

From PROF. C. G. SELIGMANX, the London School of Economics. 
I have read the abstract of Sir Richard Temple's paper with a great deal of 
interest, and it summarises the matter so ably that there seems little left to add. 
But I should like to say that what Sir Richard has written about the drawback of 
the knowledge empirically gained daring active administration has struck me over 
and over again. In more than one country I have been told that So-and-So has a 
splendid knowledge of such-and-such a people. So-and-So is immediately sought out, 
and always proves most willing to assist, but it is soon evident that his knowledge, 
even when he knows something of the language, is superficial, and a stranger capable 
of thinking along anthropological lines can generally discover more in a few weeks 
than the most sympathetic administrator has been able to find out, perhaps, in the 
course of years. When I say administrator I do not only mean Government official ; 
all that I have written applies with equal force to even the best prepared missionary. 
Without training it is indeed extremely rare to find what I may call the anthropo- 
logical attitude of mind, though there is no scarcity of men who have the fullest 
sympathy with those committed to their charge. I do not know how many Govern- 
ment officials and missionaries I have watched in close contact with the natives 
among whom they lived during the last fifteen years, but the number is certainly 
not small, and during that time I have met but two men, one an Englishman and 
the other an Italian, who had found and trodden the anthropological path unaided. 

From MR. T. C. HODSON, Secretary of the Royal Anthropological Institute : 

. . . Once more as Secretary of the Institute may I wish you all success in 
your endeavour to persuade the authorities of Birmingham to take up the teaching 
of Applied Anthropology. It is not to Government servants alone to whom it is of 
use, but to every person who is brought into contact, in any capacity whatsoever, 
with persons of different culture. The prejudices with which the statesman has to 
contend are as much the subject matter for the Anthropologist as are the economic 
habits of any society, and if Birmingham does take it up it will, I hope and I am 
sure, take it up thoroughly. There is only one way nowadays in a modern university 
of the type of Birmingham of organising work of this kind, and that is to secure 
the best men for the work, and in a university the investigation of novel problems 
by sound and tried methods of experimentation is necessarily of high importance. 

In the discussion which followed : 

SIR EVERARD IM THURX, K.C.M.G., late High Commissioner in the Pacific, 
said : As one who has himself spent most of his active life among and in sympathy 
with "natives," i.e., with folk whose material culture has advanced comparatively 
little, and certainly in a very different direction from that followed by our own 
ancestors, I strongly support the proposal put forward by our President that a 
great and urgent imperial purpose would be served by the establishment of a great 
anthropological centre call it school, institute, or what you like at which youths 
who go out from home to serve in the distant parts of the empire might learn to 
think and act in accordance with the lessons taught by the science of Anthropology. 

My own experience during more than thirty years of administration among 
natives, first in Guiana, then for a few years at the Colonial Office wherein the 
strings that pull the native affairs of our Empire are moved then for three years in 
Ceylon, and lastly for seven years in the islands of the South Seas, makes me most 
strongly wish for the establishment of such a centre. 

In my case, an innate taste for natural history and especially for the natural 
history of man was, after my first couple of years among natives, given a more 
serious trend by a chance meeting the beginning of a life-long friendship with 

[ 188 ] 

1913,] MAN. [No. 102. 

Sir Edward Tylor, the father of modern scientific Anthropology in England. But. 
despite this exceptional advantage, I know that it would have been an enormous 
gain to me and certainly of advantage to the Empire which I have humbly served 
had I started with a preliminary training in anthropological method, and had I 
been able throughout my career to turn back for guidance to some centre here at 
.home, and to which, in return, I might have imparted my own observations for 
more scientific treatment than I could give them while still in the field. 

Again, when, as time went on, and I came into a position of greater responsi- 
bility, 1 experienced to the fall the difficulty of finding young men who, however 
otherwise \vell qualified, were of the right habit of anthropological thought to serve 
under and after me. 

It has happened that my work has been chiefly with natives of a very primitive 
type with the kind of folk who are usually, but most misleadingly, called "savages," 
rather than the kind much further advanced in social organisation and thought such 
as those with whom Indian Civil Service students chiefly have to deal. I think that 
a well-thought-out scheme for the anthropological education of the men and women 
who are to deal with the more primitive folk is even more necessary for imperial 
purposes than in the case of those who are to deal with more " civilised " natives. 

The Europeans who come most in contact with surviving very primitive folk 
are generally to mention them in the order in which they have usually appeared 
on the scene either traders, missionaries, or administrators. Though myself belong- 
ing to the latter class, I have naturally come much in contact with my European 
colleagues of the other two classes, and I am quite convinced that we should all 
have done much more useful work for ourselves, for our natives, and for the 
Empire to which we belong if we had had a real training in Anthropology, and 
consequently a truer understanding and a more rational sympathy with the natives. 

The imperial need for such a school as is proposed seems to me not to admit 
of question. As to the exact nature of the school, I would only here add this. I 
think that it should be a school in which teachers and students should always 
remain in touch. For instance, the teachers should not be mere book and museum 
students, but should from time to time be expected to take a turn abroad in the 
field ; I mean that by some such arrangement as that by which in places teachers 
are permitted to take a year off a Sabbatical year I think it is sometimes called 
the teachers should visit their students abroad. On the other hand, the students, 
after graduation, should remain associated in some way with the institute or school ; 
they should habitually send their observations for record at that school, and should 
revisit it for fresh study Avhenever they are at home on leave. 

I am, of course, aware that Anthropology is already taught at some of our 
universities and similar institutions, but I do not think that anywhere, in any one 
place, has the machinery for such teaching been sufficiently advanced to do much 
real and widespread good. If at every university there were a thoroughly good 
anthropological school it would be a splendid thing for the Empire. But even one 
really adequately-equipped school would be costly, and I think it would be well to 
concentrate efforts, and to aim at least at first at one really good school. 

Where that school should be I am not prepared to say. Birmingham is said 
to offer special advantages for it. Personally, as an Oxford man, I should prefer 
to see the school established at Oxford. But the selection of the site practically 
depends chiefly on the generous donor or donors who will provide the funds, 
necessarily large. 

MR. W. CROOKE, from his experience of twenty-five years' service in the 
Bengal Civil Service, cordially supported this proposal to organise anthropological 
teaching for selected candidates of the Indian services. He laid special stress on the 

[ 189 ] 

No. 102.] MAN. [1913. 

encouragement of the study of the native languages, and suggested a special course 
of teaching of the rules of Oriental etiquette, particularly necessary since the unfor- 
tunate estrangement of a section of the educated classes from the British officials, 
which necessitates care to prevent offence to persons nervously concerned about their 
own dignity. 

At the same time, he was not inclined to advocate instruction in special anthro- 
pological problems. It was inadvisable to familiarise students with theories which 
tended to the search for material in support of one suggestion or the other. All 
that was necessary was to arouse the faculty of curiosity and investigation, to show 
to young officers how fascinating the study of anthropology and folklore was. The 
present course of instruction in this country lasted only one year, and if Anthropology 
were made a regular subject there was a danger of overburdening students, with the 
result that they would reach India jaded and overworked. The definite study of 
Anthropology could be secured only by abandoning part of the present curriculum, 
which was the minimum accepted by the Government of India. 

LiEUT.-CoLONEL P. R. GuRDON (Assam), said : I do not think I can profitably 
add to the very cogent and admirably-expressed arguments of Sir Richard Temple 
in favour of a School of Applied Anthropology in England, except to say that Sir 
Richard Temple's plan might be made to fit in with the scheme outlined by Sir 
Archdale Earle, Chief Commissioner of Assam, in his statement forwarded to the 
Public Service Commission. This scheme provides for the establishment of a college, 
not only for European officers about to proceed to the East, but for Indians who 
are candidates for admission to the Indian Services as well. European candidates for 
employment in the Indian Services would thus be thrown in direct contact with 
Indians early in their career, and be able to understand something of the Indian 
point of view, a matter of very great importance, which 1 venture to think has not 
so far received sufficient attention. The scheme might be extended so as to suit the 
needs of the colonies, e.g., the African colonies. At the college Applied Anthro- 
pology should be made one of the principal subjects, also Indian and other necessary 
languages. Anthropology, which includes ethnography, has received some attention 
in India of recent years, an ethnographic survey having been undertaken by the 
Indian Government. Unfortunately this survey could not be completed for want of 
funds, but a considerable amount of work was done in the shape of preparation and 
publication of detailed accounts of castes and tribes in various Provinces. In Assam, 
at the instigation of Sir Bampfylde Fuller, the then Chief Commissioner, the prepara- 
tion of a series of tribal monographs by selected officers has been undertaken, which, 
as Sir Richard Temple has pointed out, has proved most useful already. Up to the 
present time seven such monographs have been published, and more are under 
preparation. It may be mentioned that both the Assam and the Eastern Bengal and 
Assam Governments generously provided a large proportion of the funds for the 
publication of these monographs. I should like to refer also to the services of Messrs. 
Macmillan & Co. in this connection. The recording of accounts of tribes and castes, 
however, does not quite meet all the needs of the case, as young men proceeding to 
the East do not possess either the time or the inclination usually to read many books 
of study beyond those which are compulsory for their examinations. What is required, 
I venture to think, is oral and ocular demonstration to be obtained from lectures 
(to be made interesting) and a good anthropological museum and library in England. 
Both of these could be provided at the School of Applied Anthropology outlined by 
Sir Richard Temple. A few words in conclusion. It is impossible to over-estimate 
the importance of officers, who are candidates for the Indian Services, learning some- 
thing about the habits and customs of the people who are about to be committed to 
their care, as well as the standard language, or standard languages, of the Province 

[ 190 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 102. 

of their appointment. Young men at present come out to India often astonishingly 
ignorant of the conditions of the country and the people, and only learn what to 
avoid by making continual mistakes. Many such mistakes would be obviated probably 
if some knowledge of Indian ethnology as well as languages were made compulsory 
before officers took up their work in India. I therefore cordially support Sir Richard 
Temple's scheme. 

DR. A. C. HADDOX, F.R.S., Reader in Ethnology in the University of Cambridge, 
said : Anthropology has been taught systematically for some years in the Universities 
of Oxford, Cambridge, and London, and the older universities would welcome the 
establishment of the subject in Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, or anywhere else. 
In university instruction there are two main classes of students to be considered, the 
elementary and the advanced. The former require more or less formal lectures, 
owing to the lack of adequate text-books. The latter should be lectured to as little 
as possible, conversational classes and direction of reading and research being best 
suited for their needs. What is most appropriate in the anthropological instruction 
of those who are going abroad as Government officials, missionaries, or traders is 
neither a cramming up of various theories nor even an accumulation of ascertained 
facts, but a general survey of the main principles of the science, with an indication 
as to how the student can acquire information for himself. The real training of the 
student should be in what may be termed attitude of mind, both as regards relations 
with natives, whether civilised or uncultured, and as regards the methods of ethno- 
logical investigation. Even in the investigation of savages, and still more so in 
dealings with the more cultured peoples, behaviour and etiquette are of prime 
importance, and students should be warned to make it their first business to discover 
the rules of conduct that obtain locally so that friction may be avoided. This 
applies not only to officials and missionaries, but if possible with still more force 
to those who enter into trading relations with alien peoples. 

An essential part of the equipment of a School of Anthropology is a departmental 
library and museum. The museum may be one of the museums of a university, or 
some arrangement may be made between a municipal museum and the teaching staff 
of the university, as, for example, at Liverpool. 

Various departments of the Government are beginning to realise the practical 
importance of ethnological knowledge in the administration of the portions of the 
Empire which are under their care. At the present time successful candidates of 
the Indian Civil Service are not expected to study ethnology, and, indeed, with the 
great amount of work they have to crowd into their preparatory year, it could hardly 
bo expected of them. But in two successive years the Indian Civil Service students 
at the University of Cambridge requested me to give them a course of lectures on 
the ethnology of India, as they felt that such knowledge would be of value to them. 
It would be well if more time could be allowed to such students, and then definite 
instruction in ethnology might be compulsory. 

The anthropological sciences have such a wide outlook that they throw light 
upon many other subjects, such as history, law, economics, sociology, theology, 
literature, and the fine arts, so that, apart from the direct practical importance of 
the subject itself, Anthropology should be taught and studied in every important 

DR. R. R. MARETT, Reader in Social Anthropology, Oxford, said that he wished 
to bear out Dr. Haddon's contention that in some universities at any rate the teaching 
of Anthropology had already made considerable headway. Thus at Oxford the 
interest in Anthropology was no new thing, the Tradescant Collection of ethnological 
material going back to 1685, while exactly 200 years later the Pitt-Rivers Museum 
was established, Sir E. Tylor having been appointed Reader in Anthropology in the 

No. 102.] MAN. [1913. 

previous year namely, 1884. The Oxford School of Anthropology Avas not, however, 
organised on its present scale until, iu response to a memorandum presented hy Sir 
E. Tylor and others in 1904, the university instituted a diploma and certificates in 
Anthropology. Between 1906 and 1913 the names of 66 students have appeared on 
the register, of whom 40 have entered for examination and 33 have proved successful, 
8 of them obtaining " distinction," the standard being equivalent to that of a first 
class in a Final Honours School. The development of the school has bee-n rapid, as 
the following figures will show : In 1906 there was 1 student ; in 1907 there were 4 ; 
in 1908, 6; in 1909, 7 ; in 1910, 10 ; in 1911, 24 ; and in 1912, 34. Various classes 
of students show an interest in the subject. Besides 11 women of all nationalities, 
there have been 17 men from the British Isles, 8 from the Colonies (of whom 
5 were Rhodes scholars), 7 from the United States (of whom 4 were Rhodes scholars), 
and 2 from the Continent. In addition, 21 officers of the Public Service have 
undergone the same course of anthropological training, of whom 10 hail from West 
Africa, 9 from the Anglo-Egyptian Soudan and Egypt, 1 from British East Africa, 
and 1 from India. The officers in question are, of course, mainly interested in the 
subject from the practical point of view of administrators and men of affairs, though 
several have managed to produce scientific work of some importance into the bargain. 
Of the other students, at least a dozen have enlisted for research work in various 
parts of the ethnological field. Even at home there is plenty to do for the trained 
anthropologist, and several students have, for instance, been helping the Folk-lore 
Society to collect material for their projected edition of Brand's Antiquities, a work 
needing accuracy and critical acumen, and in certain ways especially suitable for 
women students. These facts are enough to show that there are plenty of keen 
anthropologists in the making, whose number will doubtless steadily augment as 
more and more teaching centres are available for the propagation of the requisite 

PROFESSOR PETER THOMPSOX, of Birmingham University, said that with the 
remarks of the President and the succeeding speakers he imagined they would be 
in general agreement, and he did not propose to labour that side of the question. 
He would, however, like to take this opportunity of stating what the position of 
Anthropology in the University was at the present time. A student could take a 
B.Sc. Degree in Human Anatomy and Anthropology, a course of three years. In 
Anthropology he must attend a course of general embryology and a course of 
lectures and practical instruction in Physical Anthropology. At present those who 
took the degree were mainly medical students, and some of these might pass into 
the Indian Medical Service. If there were any demand on the part of merchants 
and others for a course of Social or Cultural Anthropology the machinery for such 
a course already existed. The nucleus was there. It only wanted developing. It 
was largely a question of money, since a special lecturer or reader in this subject 
would be necessary. If the money were forthcoming he would be glad to bring the 
matter before the authorities of the \iniversity ; with regard to a museum, they 
already had the beginnings of an ethnological museum, fairly good on the prehistoric 
side (thanks to the gifts of Sir John Holden, Mr. Seton-Karr, and other generous 
donors), not so good on the cultural side. It seemed to him that a good way to 
proceed, once the matter emerged into a practical scheme, was to associate it with 
the Faculty of Commerce, for there we have students who look forward to business 
careers, at home and abroad, preparing for a Commerce Degree, and under existing 
arrangements such students could take an approved course selected for the Faculty 
of Science. If a School of Anthropology were developed, it seemed likely that these 
students who intended going abroad would choose a course of Applied Anthropology, 
once the great importance of the subject was brought home to them. 
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOGDK, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C. 




MAN, 1913. 


1913,] MAN. [Nos. 103-105. 

Egypt: Sudan. With Plate M. Seton-Karr. 

Ancient Mealing Holes at Jebelain, Sudan. By II. II . Seton-Karr. 4 flQ 

I have returned from a trip up the White Nile, and the photographs of lUU 
some examples of hollows for mealing grain were taken by me in January 1913. 
These are found in numerous spots round the bases of the isolated granite peaks of 
Jebelain, about 60 miles south of Kosti or Goz-abu-Guma, where the Sudan Railway 
to El Obeid, in Kordofan, crosses the river. In the vicinity of these mealing holes 
broken grinding-stones can be picked up. The holes or hollows are more numerous 
near the river than on the more distant peaks. 

There would seem to have been a numerous population at one time. 

A great period of time may have elapsed since they were last in use. There 
are no other ancient remains visible and no ruins are seen at Jebelain. The word 
means two peaks, but there are in reality three, and numerous smaller ones. 

The surrounding country is perfectly flat and covered with thorn trees. The 
rocks at the base are the resort of wild animals, and I killed a panther, two hyenas, 
and four lions in the neighbourhood this year. H. W. SETON-KARR. 

India. Hodson. 

Secret Bargaining. By T. C. Hodson. If) A 

When the person wishing to buy denotes a hundred, he takes one finger of I U^ 
the person to whom he makes the offer, in his hand, grasps it firmly, and mentions in 
a whisper the word, Pakka, and for every additional hundred he takes a finger. When 
5 rupees are mentioned, then the word Dana is whispered, and one finger is grasped 
for every 5 rupees mentioned, e.g., 25 rupees for five fingers. When a single rupee 
is offered one finger is grasped and the word Sute is whispered. A bargain made 
by the above means is to be kept secret during the mela or till the buyer leaves the 
place of purchase, and this is very strictly adhered to. An offer made by this means 
is not disclosed by either party, and it would be a great breach of etiquette to do so. 
Offers made and accepted by this scheme are regarded, as final and binding. 

(From a private letter.) T. C. HODSON. 

Archaeology. Elliot Smith. 

The Origin of the Dolmen. By G. Elliot Smith, F.R.S. 4 AT 

Since Reisner explained (1908) the mode of evolution of the mastaba type lUU 
of superstructure, which in its fully-developed form as a stone construction is so charac- 
teristic a feature of the Egyptian tomb of the Pyramid Age, Mace (1909),* Quibell 
(1912),t Junker (1912),J and Flinders Petrie (1913), have supplied the data 'which 
complete and corroborate the story. In the light of this recently-acquired knowledge 
of the gradual transformation of the Egyptian grave (a process that occupied the 
five or six centuries from 3400 B.C. onward) to meet conditions peculiar to Egypt, 
and to overcome difficulties incidental to the practice of Egyptian beliefs, it is 
altogether inconceivable that the more or less crude, though none the less obvious 
imitations of the essential parts of the fully-developed mastaba, which are seen in the 
Sardinian " Giants' Tombs," the allees couvertes of France and elsewhere, the wide- 
spread " holed dolmens," and all the multitude of " vestigial structures," to use a 
biological analogy, represented in the protean forms of the Algerian and Tunisian 
dolmens, could have been invented independently of the Egyptian constructions. 

* G. A. Reisner and A. C. Mace, "Early Dynastic Cemeteries at Naga-ed-Der, 1908 and 1909. 
f J. E. Quibell, " Excavations at Saqqara," paper read at British Association meeting, 1912. 
J Hermann Junker, Dehksc/ir. d. It. Akad. d. Wissensch. in Wien, Bd. LVI, 1912. 
W. M. Flinders Petrie, " Excavations at Tarkhan," paper read at British Association meeting 
1913. See also MAX, 1913, No. 85. 

[ 193 ] 

No. 105,] 



All of these varieties of dolmens are obviously due to different stages of degrada- 
tion of the Egyptian stone mastaba, as the result mainly of attempts to build such 
superstructures by craftsmen less skilled than the Egyptians were. 

The essential parts of the Egyptian stone mastaba of the Pyramid Age, shown 
quite diagrammatically in the plan Fig. 1, were : (a) the vertical shaft (varying in 
depth from a few feet to as much as a hundred feet, in accordance with the wealth of 
its makers) leading to the burial chamber (B), in which the corpse, enclosed in a 
wooden coffin or stone sarcophagus, was immured ; (b) a mound of rubble, which may 
be referred to briefly as the tumulus (T), surrounding the continuation of the shaft 
above ground ; (c) four walls of masonry (the retaining wall) enclosing the tumulus 
and thus forming the mastaba (M), sensu stricto ; (d) an enclosure, on the side 

of the mastaba facing 
the river (i.e., the east 
end as a rule, after the 
Third Dynasty), which 
may be referred to as the 
chapel of offerings (C) ; 
(e) on its western side, 
as a rule, the eastern 
retaining wall of the 
mastaba forms the west 
wall of the chapel, and 
bears the representation 
of one or more false doors, 
one of which (the stela) 
(H), is regarded as sym- 
bolising the means of 
communication between 
the living and the dead, 
and hence as the place 
where the former can 



2, W/nX lk/K^i place offerings of food for 

the latter ; and (/*) hidden 
iu the tumulus, somewhere 
between the chapel and 
the burial shaft is a small 
chamber (S), now usually 
known as the serdab, 
which was the home of 
the dead man or his dis- 
embodied spirit (see foot- 
note on next page). 

This serdab was originally (late Second or Third Dynasty) merely a small 
chamber behind the false door of the chapel, with its own western wall made in 
the form of a false door (Quibell), no doubt symbolising the manner in which the 
spirit entered this little hidden room when it came up from the burial chamber. 
Possibly, as Quibell suggests, there were also representations of the deceased upon 
the walls of this chamber. Whether this was the case or not perhaps further exca- 
vation will decide ; but it is well known that in the Pyramid Age this serdab was 
built of stone (often of great vertical slabs, and roofed with one or more slabs) ; and 
there was placed within it a portrait statue (s 1 ) of the dead man (sometimes also 
statues of his wife, family, and servants) as a body for his disembodied spirit 

[ 19* ] 

1913.] MAN. [Nos, 105-106. 

(Breasted) ; and a slit-like aperture (H) was often made to open into the chapel, as 
a means whereby the spirit could pass into the chapel and enjoy the food provided 
for it. 

This conception of the serdab as a dwelling-place for the dead man's spirit 
appealed strongly to the imagination of a superstitious people ; and when the mastaba 
came to he imitated by less skilful workmen amidst less cultured peoples, say, for 
example, in the case of an Egyptian dying in some foreign country, where there 
were no craftsmen capable of carving statues, the serdab would still be retained. la 
fact it came to be looked upon as the most essential part of the superstructure, for 
was it not the dwelling for the dead man's spirit, and as such the means whereby 
that spirit could be prevented from wandering abroad and annoying the living. Thus 
the serdab* increased in size and importance. 

In the Sardinian "Giant's Tomb" (Fig. 2) the Egyptian ma*/a6a-construction 
is most closely followed, for all of the following features (in addition to the charac- 
teristic orientation) are preserved : The chapel of offerings (C), usually called the 
forecourt, with a large carved stela (H), which is also the " holed stone " ; the 
greatly overgrown serdab (S), the western end of which has become merged in 
the burial chamber (B), the tumulus (T), and its retaining wall (M). The size of 
the tumulus, and consequently the form of its retaining wall, is very variable, and 
in the solitary instance of this type of grave found in Ireland these features were 

When thus stripped of its investments (tumulus and retaining wall) the chapel 
and the overgrown serdab (which is now also the burial chamber) alone remain 
(Fig. 3), and the result is the allee couverte. The rough representation of the human 
figure sometimes found in the vestibule (chapel) of the allee couverte (Fig. 3, a), 
alongside the holed stone (stela) corresponds to the bas-relief of the deceased 
found alongside the false door in the chapel of the Egyptian mastaba (Fig. 1, a), 
and the " cup markings " of the dolmen probably symbolise food offerings. 

The smaller " holed dolmens " (Fig. 4), whether they occur in Europe, the 
Caucasus, or India, represent a further simplification of the allee couverte, and among 
people who could not bore a hole in a stone slab, the eastern wall was omitted 
(Fig. 5). Thus the crudest form of rough dolmen is the descendant of the serdab 
of the Egyptian mastaba. G. ELLIOT SMITH. 

New Ireland : Mythology. Cox. 

New Ireland (New 

Ulit, Bismarck Archipel. 

New Ireland (New Mecklenburg) Myths. By Rev. //'. //. Cox, 4IIO 


There are variations in the stories told of the beginnings of man as we know 

One story is that the maker, or father, of all things is Larunaen, whose seat is 
in the west a matana labur, the face or the source of the north-west winds. His 
feet reach to the matana taubara, the face or the source of the south-west winds. 

His wife, Hintabaran, a woman of an evil spirit, was really his sister, and was 
called a nuna harahut (his helper), and all people are his descendants. 

When they multiplied Larunaen made the earth so that he could send away 
those whom he did not wish to stay longer with him, and so we have the present 

Those who remained with Larunaen are called a mataneabar na tadar (the people 
of the gods). 

* Dr. Alan Gardiner tells me that in the anicent texts reference is made to the dead man 
himself, and not his spirit, as the worker of evil. 

[ 195 ] 

No. 106.] -MAN. 1913. 

Another story is that before Larunaen were Soi and Tamono, who in every 
version occupy an important place. They were married to two women who came 
from a large forest tree which burst and gave them forth. These two couples are 
the ancestors of man. 

According to both versions Larnnaen provides man with all that he needs to 
sustain bodily life. All food comes from Larunaen, and whenever there is a shortage, 
such as is caused by drought, Laruuaen is blamed. It is said that someone has 
annoyed him and in his anger he withholds the needed rains. 

Earthquakes are supposed to be caused by Larunaen. When they are felt 
Larunaen is said to be on the move. 

Man came from the west, and Soi and Tamono are respectively the heads of 
the two great classes Maramara and Pikalaba, into which all the people are 

The sending of the population abroad and the division into classes is said by 
some to have taken place at a spot to the north-west where a crooked cocoanut 
called Satale stands. By others it is said that the population coming from the 
seat of Larunaen moved south and: east, and about Eratubu they were divided into 
two classes Maramara and Pikalaba. 

The relations between Soi and Tamono are regarded as constantly antagonistic, 
an attitude which gives rise to a multitude of myths and legends. 

Soi is the head of the Maramara class. He is the representative of wisdom 
and in all his habits and customs is an intelligent being. Hence the bird chosen as 
the totem of the class is the taraqau (fish-hawk), a bird clever and capable in its 
own calling. Soi ate only good food taro, etc. and all he did was done properly. 

Not so Tamono who is the head of the Pikalaba class. He was an incapable 
foolish fellow. He ate poor and mean food, bitter and undesirable things. He could 
not do anything right. This is suggested in the choice of the Miniqulai or Malabo 
(an eagle) as the totem of the class. The Taraqau is the fisher and the Miniqulai 
gets his food by stealing from the Taraqau. He will chase the Taraqau, and when 
the latter drops his fish the Miniqulai swoops down and catches it ere it reaches 
the water or the ground. Hence the Miniqualai. is classed as a Kaloata, the name 
by which those who do not go to sea are known. 

Members of the Maramara class are said to be known by the fact that when 
they step out to walk they lift the right foot first, while the Pikalaba lift the left 
foot first. 

As in other parts, marriage between members of the same class is forbidden. 
The .children follow their mother and belong to her class. The children of a man 
cannot marry the children of his sister, though of course they belong respectively 
to different classes the relationship is the barrier. 

Some of the stories told of Soi and Tamono : 

Soi was the man of intelligence ; he was also unscrupulous and bad. By 
sorcery and other means he is said to have duped and wronged and destroyed the 
relatives of Tamono, and by degrees to have become possessed of their property, so 
that he was a rich and important chief. 

Tamono, on the other hand, was a fool, and frequently fell an easy victim 1o 
the deceptions of Soi. Soi had but to tell him that something he was doing was 
wrong, and, right or wrong, he would turn round and do it the reverse way, frequently 
bringing on himself ridicule. 

Some of Tamono's relatives were in a large house, and Soi visiting them saw 
their valuables, shell-money, etc., and made up his mind to have them. " Let us 
sleep," he said. As they slept Soi went round and tied them all together by heads 
and feet alternately, that is, he tied together the heads of two> then he tied the foot 

[ 196 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. 106. 

of one of those to the foot of his next neighbour, and his head to the head of the 
next, and so on. He then went out and shut the door and set fire to the house. 
The inmates awoke startled, and wished, of course, to run out, but found they were 
tied together and perished. 

The women and goods were in another house, and Soi got all, and so from 
being a poor man became a rich one and a chief. 


A number of Tamouo's relatives came in with a lot of fish, and Soi, having none, 
wished for them. So he said to the people, " Come to my breadfruit tree and get 
" some breadfruit to eat with the fish." They went, but Soi ran on ahead and climbed 
the tree and waited for them. As they commenced to climb the tree to pick the 
.fruit Soi called to them one by one, " Kinaua na ulilig, kinaua na kulap," which is a 
playful way of speaking of one climbing and springing and leaping like an opossum. 
When they got up the tree he would take a very ripe fruit and throw it at their 
heads. They would get a great shock as the squashy thing broke over their heads. 
They thought their brains had come out and in the shock fell down dead. So he 
did with them one by one, and having disposed of them went back to the village 
and enjoyed a good meal of fish. 


New Ireland (N.M.) natives believe that after death they , go to what is known 
as a matan. A hole in a cliff' or the opening of a small cave is called a matan. 
Such a hole is to be seen at Nokon, on the east coast, its distinctive name being 
Matantabaran (the entrance to the abode of spirits). 

A man of angry and unkindly spirit is frequently remonstrated with by his 
acquaintances, who warn him that he will not go to a matan. Imaginary stories are 
told of those who, travelling along the bush paths after the death of such a man, 
find here and there the roots of trees which cross the path with bark freshly scarred, 
which they believe to have been done in the flight as the deceased was chased from 
the matan by its occupants. 

Communication with the departed is supposed to have taken place on some 
occasions, as witness the following story : 

A man's wife, who was a specially fine woman, died, and her husband was .in 
great sorrow for her. He missed her very much and wished for her and wept sorely. 
One night, as he slept in his house, he dreamt that his wife was at the place which 
is known by the natives as the resort of the spirits of those who have passed away. 
He got up and went off to the place, and, standing on a small rise close to, he looked 
towards the sea and watched for what might be seen. Soon a number of spirits 
came down to bathe, and he strained his eyes to see if his departed wife would show 
herself. By-and-bye he saw her and greatly desired to get in touch with her. As 
he looked he remembered a bunch of betel-nut and a small packet of wild pepper 
which were at his house, and he thought, If I should bring them and throw them to 
her she would recognise them and think of me, and perhaps I would be able to speak 
to her. He acted on the thought and ran home and got the betel-nut and pepper 
and brought them and threw them at his wife from where he stood. She picked 
them up and she said to herself, These are like the betel-nut, etc., which were 
hanging at our door, and having noticed the direction from which they came she 
went up to where her husband was. He said to her, " I have been in great sorrow 
for you." " Do not come near me," she said. He said, " I want you to come back 
. " with me; there is no woman like you I want you badly." "I cannot come,'' 
she said. " Come," he said, ".do come with me." " I cannot," she said, " your body 
" and mine are different. I cannot come back with you." At the same time the 

[ 197 ] 

No. 106.] MAN. [1913. 

male spirits, who were bathing, came towards her and called her, " Come here." " Go," 
she said, "go home, or else they will see you and some harm will come to you. By- 
" and-bye you can come and waken me," meaning that by-and-bye he would die and 
join her in the home of spirits. 

He went oft' greatly disappointed and was in great sorrow on the way home. He 
told what he had seen that his wife had appeared to him and died. 


The sun and moon are looked on as the rulers of the heavens. The sun is called 
Maluaga and the moon Hintogolopi. When there is a death the relatives wait till 
the sun is covered with a cloud, when they beat their drums and blow their shells 
and cry out, " Ui, Maluaga, una marasai ra num taman na kareka " (" You sun 
" (Maluaga} pity your village of fowls," a humble designation for lowly-minded folk). 

They reverence and pray to the moon in the same way. 

They have names for a number of the stars, such for instance as the morning 
star. It is interesting to note that they call the evening star a tagul a hasaro (the 
deceiving star), because it appears in the evening, but soon sets, so that its promise 
is not fulfilled. 

The changing positions of some other stars are also noticed and their relation to 
the seasons noted. 


Sikodo is a fabulous giant who is the source of the ugut, (The ugut is a 
method of fishing with traps made of the thorny ends of a species of " wait-a-bit " 
vine. The thorny pieces are put together in the shape of a cone, and when the 
fish puts its nose inside to get the bait the reversed thorns prevent it from getting 
out again.) He, Sikodo, made some traps and went to the beach to go fishing 
with them. He covered his canoe with leaves to protect it from the sun, and put 
his traps and some small fish for bait near at hand, and in the evening went out 
to fish. In the meantime a boy Padamalana hid himself in the canoe and when 
Sikodo got to sea suddenly the boy started up. Sikodo got a great surprise and 
was very angry with the boy, and said to him, " Who are you ? Where have you 
come from ? " " I am your nephew," he said. So Sikodo permitted him to stay, 
and showed him how to use the traps. They caught many fish. Sikodo strung the 
fish on a piece of cane and reached out his long arm from the sea and put the fish 
at the door of the house of Padamalana's mother. This was to signify that 
Padamalana was catching fish. 

They returned and Padamalana accompanied Sikodo to his home in the bush, 
called Matanalulur, i.e., n deep hole in the rocks. Sikodo taught Padamalana all 
his sorcery, and the words of the petitions which are religiously sung in connection 
with the using of the traps. 

(Sikodo had as his servants the taraqau or fish-hawk, and the malaba or eagle 
respectively, the totems of the Maramara and Pikalaba classes, and they and 
Padamalana all lived together.) 

When Padamalana had learned things he was to return home, but Sikodo said 
first to him, "Be blind." He lost his sight and Sikodo took him in his hand and 
put him at his home. 

NOTE. Sikodo was a great giant and had a very long arm, and being on Laur 
was able to deposit things at a great distance even at Duke of York Group. 

When Padamalana opened his eyes he saw a great heap of fish which had been 
put in front of the house by Sikodo on their behalf. The people asked Padamalana 
who caught the fish, and he said that he himself had. He went again to Sikodo and 
the latter taught him how to make the traps -every detail, 

[ 198 ] 

1913.] .MAN. [Nos. 106-107. 

Sikodo stretched out his long arm and dipped the point of his finger in the 
sea, and the fish for a great distance in all directions were killed. There was a 
great stench and many people died of the smell. This was spoken of as the destruction 
by poisoning or shooting of Sikodo a hunhun te Sikodo. 


One day Sikodo told Padamalana to make a hat boroi a representation of a 
smooth stone said to resemble a pig. He made it of sand on the beach dark sand 
on one side and light on the other. Padamalana brought the people to see it. They 
had to pay to do so with magin (shell money) and dogs' teeth. In return for this 
payment they were taught the songs of the kalaua (ugut fish traps) and initiated 
into the catching of fish in this way. The hat boroi was decorated with all kinds 
of fish and seaweeds, &c. When all was finished Padamalana spread the sand out 
again, breaking down the whole thing. 

On one occasion Sikodo taught Padamalana how to catch fish with a net. They 
went out to sea and had a tremendous haul sharks, turtles, porpoises, and all kinds 
of great fish. 

All kinds of valuables shell money, sharks' teeth, &c., had their source in 
Pada-magin, who got them from Sikodo. 

On one occasion Pada-magin went to Sikodo's place and saw a fine basket of 
magin (shell money) 10 "men" which means 200 fathoms 20 fathoms being 
counted a " man " one for each toe and finger of the body. 

As his uncle, Sikodo, gave it to Padamalana he went and distributed it to the 
people, and so the use and circulation of magin commenced. W. H. COX. 

Africa, East. Werner. 

A Few Notes on the Wasanye. By A. Werner. |fl7 

While at Witu on December 9, 1912, I had, through the kindness of the lUf 

Sultan, an opportunity of seeing three Wasanye of that district and obtaining a few 

specimens of their language. Unfortunately, my stay was too short to allow of more 

than one interview, and this is the more to be regretted as the Wasanye in the 

district (Mambrui) only speak Galla and appear to have no knowledge of any other 

language. The numerals given me by .the Witu Wasanye were as follows : 

1 = Watukwe. 6 = Tawate Olu Watukwe. 

2 = I/ima. 7 = Olu Lima. 

3 = Kaya (V = bilabial v). 8 = Olu Kaya. 

4 = Sa'ala. 9 = Olu Sa'ala. 

5 = Tawate. 10 = [Kumi.] 

I do not know whether the word for " ten " was given me by mistake, or 
whether they have adopted the Bantu one. 

The other words obtained were : 

Bow = ala. Arrow = ado. 

Bowstring = doo. poison = taa. 

Quiver = kirangati. 
Salutations : 

On meeting : Faide Andiila Niso Roiga. 
On parting: Amani kuu (Swahili?) Kai kawatichi 

I obtained a phonograph record of the numerals and two songs, but I fear not 
a very successful one. 

The first song, described in Swahili as a "song of magic" (Wimbo wa uganga\ 

[ 199 ] 

No. 107.] MAN. [1913. 

appeared to be half Pokomo. This I could not succeed in taking down. The other 
on killing a lion, was as follows : 

" Woye weya ekatimisodira. 
Kwatukile samure. 
Guya wadiro gete."* 

On March 22, 1913, Bwana Amiu (an old Somali, related to the Sultan of 
Barawa, and living at Pumwani, a few miles inland frOm Mambriii), induced a family 
of Wasanye (or, as they call themselves and are called by the Galla, Wata) to come to 
Mambrui from Marafa for (as he and I hoped) five days, but their stay was cut short 
at the end of three. They consisted of Abajila, his wife Halako, and their two 
children, Diramn, a girl of nine or ten, and Galgalo, a baby boy of about a year. They 
lost two children between these two, and in consequence of this, Galgalo wears a 
string (kunche) threaded with charms (pingu) tied to his right wrist and right ankle, 
and his mother has a number of scars on her back and right arm. These were 
incisions made by a Giryama doctor, in order to prevent a recurrence of the mis- 
fortune, medicine being rubbed into the cuts. (Abajila says the Wasanye have no 
doctors of their own, but go to the Wagiryama for treatment when necessary.) 

Abajila recognised most of the names on Captain Barrett's list (Journal of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLL, p. 29), which are nearly all names of 
Galla clans.| He did not seem certain of the name Bolazu, but said there was a 
Balat clan hoko mbee, a long way off to the north ; he did not know their mark. 
The Gullug, likewise, he had heard of, but they, too, were a long way off. He had 
also heard of the Wasanye at Witu, who speak a language which is not Galla, and 
said they belonged to the Midan clan. 

It was somewhat perplexing to find him saying that all the Wasanye at Marafa 
belonged to three clans (or tribes ?) only Gede, Wacho, Wayama, his own being 
the Gede, and on the following day stating that he belonged to the Karara. As 
lie speaks Swahili somewhat imperfectly, and no interpreter was available, it is 
difficult to make out exactly what is meant. But further inquiry revealed the fact 
that, while he is a Karara and his wife a Gulu, both of them are Gede ; so it 
seems likely, either that the latter is a term belonging to an independent system of 
classification (perhaps the original one superseded by the Galla) or that it includes 
the others as sub-divisions. But, as will be seen in the list given presently, the 
Gede, Wacho and Wayama have their marks like the rest. 

Abajila says that his chief is Abashora, of the Gamado Clan, who lives at 
Arabuko, a day's journey S.W. of Mambrui. This is no doubt the Abashora Burrtum 
mentioned by Captain Barrett. Abajila's pedigree, so far as obtainable, is as follows : 

(Karara) OMARO Gatiye (Gulu) 


ABASHORA Diramu (Hajej) DULO Harufa (Hani) GWIYO GALGALO Halako 

Id. no ch. d. unm. (Hani) 

no ch. 



no ch. 


(Gulu) (Gamad) 

no ch. 


* This seems to mean, " I have killed him, go and look at him. Listen ! 1 have struck him ! " 
f Irdid and Arusi are synonymous, and are not names of a clan, but of one of the exogamous 

divisions of the Galla nation. They may, however, have been adopted as the names of separate 

Sanye clans. 

i 200 

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 107-108. 

Strangely enough, Halako's parents are also named Abashora (son of Dida) 
tnd Halako (Gamado clan). Dida's wife, Diramu, belonged to the Sabale clan. 

Abajila knows the marks of all the Clans, with the two exceptions above noted, 
and drew them for me, but subsequent inquiry seems to show that these marks are 
only used on arrows, and his drawings do not correspond with those on the sticks 
carved for me by Wasanye at Magarini, Arabuko, and Mtundia. The following is 
the list of the clans as Abajila gave them : 

1. Agude. 11. Wayu. 

2. Hani. 12. Karayu. 

3. Hajej. 13. Irdid. (He says Arusi is the same 

4. Gulu. as Irdid). 

5. Gamado. 14. Gede. 

6. Sabale. 15. Kodyega. 

7. Sunkana. 16. Meta. (Captain Barrett's Menta). 

8. Mandoyu. 17. Bedi. ( Buddi). 

9. Wacho. 18. Nyutu. ( Nurtu). 
10. Wayama. 19. Midan.* 

He does not seem to know of any private individual marks and says he uses 
none on his arrows, but that of the clan. (Subsequently a man at Magarini showed 
me his private mark carved across the clan mark on his arrows.) 

As regards Mr. Hobley's Ariangulu Vocabulary (see MAN, February, 1912, 
No. 9) I have found, by repeated inquiry, that nearly all the words are Galla. 
Where they differ from the Galla words printed in the parallel column, this is 
evidently due to the latter being in the northern dialect, except in one or two 
cases where there seems to have been some mistake, as in worabo (? worabes 
= hyena) for "rhinoceros." 

Chuguruba = " an arrow," I have failed to identify, unless it could possibly be 
the same as Turkuma, which Abajila says is the wooden shaft of the arrow, the 
head (Swahili chembe) being Tiya. 

In passing I may remark that Ule JVakat, "the rainbow," is not " the bow," but 
" the staff ( Ule) of God." The Milky Way seems to be called Adi Wakat, " the 
white (thing) of God." 

I should like to add to the notes published in December, 1912, the fact that 
the Pokomo Vimia Viume are the three stars in Orion's belt, while the Vimia Vike 
are the Pleiades. 

The Wapokomo have a name for the Southern Cross the only native one I 
have yet heard of Nyoha za Kirwa. I have not yet been able to obtain any 
explanation of this. A. WERNER. 

Southern Nigeria : Physical Anthropology. Talbot. 

Measurements of Nkokolie, Cross River, Southern Nigeria. By IfjO 

P. Amaury Talbot. IUO 

Below are given measurements of the Nkokolie tribe to give them their own 
name or Ekuri, as they are called by their neighbours the Efiks and Ekoi. Their 
chief town is Ekuri Owai, about 50 miles north of Calabar. 

* Later inquiries showed that some of these rank as sub-divisions of others, e.g. t Gulu and Nyurtu 
(Nyutu), with several others, are sub-divisions of the Hani. I also found that all the clan -names are 
names of Galla clans, and that this is explained by the fact that every Wat clan is associated with 
and in a sense dependent upon the corresponding Galla clan. That the names originally belong to 
the Galla, and have been adopted from them by the Wat, seems clear from the fact that two of the 
names (Karayn and Meta) were found by Krapf among the Galla of Abyssinia. But the Wat of the 
Karayn clan abstain from cutting down a tree called Karayn, and the Galla, so far as my inquiries 
have gone, deny all knowledge of th prohibition, nor have I been able to ascertain if the name of 
the tree is Galla. 

[ 201 ] 

Nos. 108-109.] 



The tribal mark consists of several small circles of concentric rings, cut at the 
side of the face from the temple downwards, into which a mixture of ground charcoal 
and palm oil has been rubbed. The upper canines and incisors are filed to a point, 
as sometimes the corresponding lower teeth also. A description of this people, with 
a vocabulary, will be found in my book, In the Shadow of the Bush (Heineman). 






















Oyi - 


















Ote - 



















Parauo - 
































































































Aiimor - 




















Ameru - 






























































Oyama .- 





















Ote - . - 


























































































































Akata - 




















Mbang - 















3 4 





Average - 





















1. HeaJ breadth. 

2. length. 

3. bizz. 

4. Nose breadth. 

5. ., Nas. to Alv. 

6. Nas. to Sept. 

7. Nas. to Chin. 

*. ., Vertex to Tragus. 

10. Height. 

11. Span. 

12. Ears. (1) outstanding, (2) not, 

(3) small, (4) nied 

13. Prognathism. (0) absent, (1) tned. 

(2) much. 

14. Lips. (1) thin, (2) med., (3) thick, 

(4) everted. 

15. Forehead. (1) high, (2) med., (3) low. 

16. Forehead. (1) broad, (2) med., 

(3) narrow. 

17. (1) receding, (2)slightly, 

(3) not. 

18. Hair on face. (0) absent, (1) med., 

(2) much. 

19. Hair on body. (0) absent, (1) med., 

(2) much. 


The Near East. Hall. 

The Ancient History of the Near East, from the Earliest Times to the 4 (If) 
Battle of Salamis. By H. R. Hall, M.A., F.S.A. London, 1913. 8vo. IUu 
Pp. xxiv. + 602. With thirty-three plates and fourteen maps. Price 15.9. net. 

The scope of this book is fully explained in its title. Brilliant as Maspero's 
Histoire Ancienne was, as a first survey of the results of two generations of research, 
and ably as it has been kept in touch with subsequent work through no less than 
ten editions, it was inevitable that sooner or later its place should be challenged 
by a manual constructed on the rather different plan which present-day knowledge 
requires. For English readers, there can be little doubt that Mr. Hall's book will 
take and hold that place. Though designed, as the preface states, to be of use 
to students in the Oxford School of Liters Humaniores, it will in fact appeal to 
a far wider public ; and for Oxford men, the regrettable specialism as to authors 
and periods of study which besets the " Final Classical School " has advanced, since 
Mr. Hall's student days, from toleration to exclusion of much that this book discusses. 
Herodotus, indeed, is still read, but Ancient History only begins officially in 776 B.C. 
The later chapters, however, are well adapted to serve as a running commentary on 
the earlier books of Herodotus, and as an introduction to the complex period within 
which historic Greece takes rise. They tell a complicated story for which the 
evidence is fragmentary and multifarious literary texts, inscriptions in several Oriental 
languages, coins, sculpture, pottery, and the geographical distribution of the ancient 
sites from which Greeks gave and received in their intercourse with the East ; and 
it is not easy to keep the perspective clear ; but Mr. Hall has used his materials 

[ 202 j 

1913.] MAN. [No. 109. 

with much judgment and breadth of view, and has certainly produced a narrative of 
the growth of the Persian Empire, and of that Empire's struggle with the Greeks, 
which was much needed, and is far fuller and more useful than anything which has 
been attempted in English since George Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, to which 
it stands in much the same relation as the recent commentary of Messrs. How and 
Wells to Rawlinson's edition of Herodotus. And it is no derogation from Mr. Hall's 
own learning and historical insight, if one traces here and there in this section some- 
thing of the standpoint and mode of presentment of a brilliant and stimulating teacher, 
too early lost to Oxford, the late W. G. Pagson Smith, to whose memory the whole 
book is dedicated. 

But these later chapters only take up the story at the point where a three-fold 
tale, the history of the two River-Cultures, and that of the Island World of the West, 
becomes finally and inextricably one. The sections which precede, on Egypt, Babylonia, 
and Assyria, and their earlier relations with each other, could only be criticised 
adequately in detail by Orientalists. To the student of Western history they offer 
just the kind of general introduction which he needs, utilising and expanding the 
author's own contributions to a recent collaborated book, Egypt and Western Asia 
in the Light of Recent Discoveries, and expanding and supplementing them very 
thoroughly. Leaving special treatises out of account and in English there are but 
few even of these there is at present no survey of these Eastern civilisations at all 
so conveniently planned, to present the main lines of each people's history, without 
losing sight of their several places in the history of the Ancient World. 

Less easy to praise unreservedly (perhaps because a really adequate statement of 
this part of the subject is hardly possible as yet) is the chapter on the Minoan 
civilisation with which the book opens. Mr. Hall has taken the bold line of beginning 
his Ancient History in the West, and sketching the rise of the first Mediterranean 
culture before starting on Egypt or Babylonia ; and the main plan of his book, as 
a history of the struggle which was decided at Salamis and Plataea, permits him 
this alternative. But his frequent use of the names Greece and Greek, in contexts 
which refer to pre-Hellenic phases of civilisation, emphasises an inherent drawback, 
namely, that the impression is given that the nationality which won in the end traces 
its existence to as remote a past as did its enemies. To talk of "the Neolithic" and 
"the Bronze Age Greeks," as on pp. 31-32, is quite as misleading as it would be to 
talk of Neolithic or Bronze Age English, or to say that the " earlier " English " came 
" from Northern Africa" (p. 32). The civilisation to which alone the name Greek 
or Hellenic is appropriate is in the same sense a " modern " growth as that of either 
of its great rivals, Persia and Rome. It has its dateable beginnings in the Early 
Iron Age, and as strong contrasts (in matters of vital importance) with the pre-Hellenic 
and non-Hellenic civilisation which preceded it in " Greek lands," as Persia has with 
Assyria, or Rome with the Terramara culture, or the Hellenism of Southern Italy. It 
is the more important to make this point clear because Mr. Hall seems to be under 
the impression that the neolithic population of Thessaly, which remained in a backward 
and almost purely neolithic state until far on in the Minoan Age (Mr. Hall says until 
the period known as Late Minoan III), is in some sense identical with the Achaian 
and other "northern" elements which begin to move southward from Thessaly about 
that time. He supports this suggestion by pointing out similarities between the 
neolithic painted wares of Thessaly and the geometrically painted pottery of the Early 
Iron Age, of which he says (p. 62) that " there is no doubt " that it " is the art of the 
" oldest Aryan Greeks from the tenth to the eighth centuries," or thereabouts. In 
the same way he takes the "chiefs' houses of the Neolithic peoples " for "the pro- 
" totypes of these Achaian palaces" (p. 63). It is odd that while he feels these 
similarities so strongly, he does hot lay proportionate emphasis on northward parallels, 

[ 203 ] 

No. 109.] MAN. [1913. 

but regards, for example, the painted pottery of South Russia as due to Aryan influences 
in the Stone Age conveyed by " Mediterraneans " who had " spread too far from their 
base " (p. 57) and " perished of pure inappropriateness to their environment, assisted, 
" perhaps, by the more virile Indo-European tribes, who by this time must have made 
" their way into Europe from Siberia." The " Siberian " origin of the virile Indo- 
European deserves at least a footnote of explanation in a second edition, and it would 
be convenient to know the relation of these Indo-Europeans on p. 57 with the " oldest 
Aryan Greeks" on p. 62, whose art is the "geometric" art of Greece "from the 
" tenth to the eighth centuries," and to the " earlier Greeks " on p. 32, who " came 
" from Northern Africa while they were still stone-users." Anyone who has followed 
the hypotheses and controversies of the last twenty-five years will recognise the 
proximate " home " of all these varieties of " Greeks " on the shelves of his library ; 
but in a book which will certainly be read widely, and by people who come fresh to 
the subject, this looseness of phrase can hardly fail to perplex, and may easily mislead. 
Another odd statement is on p. 61, to the effect that "at Sparta, as was perhaps to 
be expected," " traces of the Mycenaean (Third Late Miuoan) Period only " have been 
found. The Mycenaean site to which reference seems to be intended is not " at 
Sparta" but on the far bank of the Eurotas ; and its significance is precisely this, 
that the Iron Age site is a new one, not continuous with the Bronze Age settlement, 
and as distinct from it as Old Sarum is from Salisbury. 

In the sections on those parts of the Late Minoan Period which, in the opinion 
of many, may be used to illustrate the Homeric Age, there is more difficult reading, 
partly due to Mr. Hall's acceptance of an ingenious and not very recent theory that 
the Argos of Homer originally meant part of South Thessaly. As the blunder by 
which Homeric statements about the Argos in South Thessaly were confused with 
the Argos in Argolis (which is always clearly distinguished from it in Homer) is 
known to have originated with Greek genealogical historians in the latter part of the 
sixth century B.C., this is equivalent to dating Homer at that stage in Greek culture, 
or later. Yet Mr. Hall seems to regard Homer as representing a culture " rather 
" that of the Achaians of the twelfth or eleventh than of the ninth century " ; so 
there is room for doubt as to his meaning, and his scepticism on p. 76 about horse 
feeding in the Peloponnesian Argos seems to show unacquaintance with some Bronze 
Age evidence for the use of horses there. If Homer, or even the " last Homer," as 
Mr. Hall calls him, was really so ill-informed about Greece, of any century we please, 
as to confuse the Peloponnesian with the Thessalian Argos, the less use serious 
people make of his evidence for that century and its culture, the better. 

These are tiresome defects in a review of present-day knowledge of prehistoric 
ages in .^Egean lands which is useful and well-proportioned as long as it is descrip- 
tive. The mistake, as in Mr. Hall's earlier book, The Oldest Civilisation of Greece, 
is oue of tactics. He has brought into a text-book the materials of a dozen essays ; 
well worth writing, if the evidence were stated in full, but frankly not worth very 
much when they occupy pages which might be given to fuller statement of the 
wonderful Minoan culture. 

A word should be added to recommend the opening chapter on historical and 
archaeological method, which is concise and clear, and gives information about a 
matter which is fundamental to historical students, but is seldom treated with the 
care and thoroughness which it demands. 

The illustrations, though not very numerous, considering how much of the book is 
archaeological, are admirably bright despite their small scale, and show several new 
subjects, besides many new views of old friends. And there is an excellent index. 

J. L. M. 

[ 204 1 

1913.] MAN. [No. 110. 

Africa, Central. Macleod. 

Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa. By Olive Macleod. Edinburgh and 41 (I 
London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1912. I III 

This is an interesting record of travel ; brightly written, well illustrated, and 
invitingly got up. 

The Botanical Appendix enhances the value of the book itself ; while the 
carefully compiled index is of service to the reader, and the maps are helpful. 

The authoress deserves much credit for the plucky manner in which she has 
carried out her programme, undismayed by the misfortunes of her cicerone, who 
appears to have endured more hardships than fall to the lot of the average African 

The pacification and development, under more or less European influence, of 
the country traversed has been practically altogether accomplished since the beginning 
of this century, and the story here related is a well-merited tribute to the good work 
done by the Colonial administrators who have been sent to their respective spheres 
of influence by France, Britain, and Germany. 

Leaving out of account the activities along the Benue of the Niger Company, 
what time it held its Royal Charter, the advent of the three Powers was, chrono- 
logically, in the order given above, and the influence of all three has, on the whole, 
made for the good of the regions and peoples concerned. 

The authoress gives a good picture of the juxtaposition and intermingling of 
Mohammedans and Pagans ; she indicates the chronic slave-raiding formerly practised 
by the former on the latter, the termination of which in itself has justified European 
intervention; and her account supports the opinion, held by many, that all the stages 
of civilisation to be observed among the peoples of the West Central Sudan in 
particular, and of West Africa in general, indicate devolutions from higher stages. 

She has done well to dwell on the figure of Abegga, the Chief of Lokoja. 
That old man is an interesting link with the past : he came to Europe with the 
famous African traveller, Barth, in the fifties of last century ; he reads and writes 
English well, and his memory is good, although the weakness of age has blunted his 
former bright intelligence ; and, now that the native companion of his European 
travels Dorugu, a Government schoolmaster, who died at Kano last autumn is dead, 
he furnishes the last useful link with the European explorers of his part of Africa 
in the middle of last century. 

The irruption of Rabe undoubtedly gave local development a set-back ; for chaos 
resulted from his conquest and he did not remain long enough in power to restore 
order ; and it is now impossible to say whether the consolidation of his power would 
have made for reformation or the reverse. 

It is well shown how higher races e.g., the Kanuri and the Bagirmi have 
retrograded when they have settled down permanently in the regions under considera- 
tion ; but this is nothing new, nor is it an unmixed evil. The Vandals and the 
Moors retrogressed when they settled in North Africa ; so did other higher races 
who entered West Central and West Africa from the north and east ; but their 
advent probably raised the level of the indigenous peoples among whom they 
partially lost themselves. Certainly, at the present day, the traveller can see 
Mohammedan immigrants, at the expense of a certain amount of retrogression in 
the case of their own progeny, raising the grade of development of the Pagans 
among whom they are settling. This is how Islam seems to be the means destined 
for the regeneration of Africa : its advent everywhere means miscegonation ; within 
its confines is no racial or colour line ; it is innocent of the fatuous European 
tendency to regard the half-cast as a white man-; and it realises that, while a mule 
is an aristocrat among donkeys, if one call him a horse everybody will laugh. The 

[ .205 ] 

Nos, 110-111.] MAN. [1913. 

dice are thus loaded in favour of Islam : the Christian will give his life, but not his 
blood; for Africa ; the Mohammedan will, and does, give both. 

It is stated that Garua was only occupied in 1904 : as a matter of fact, it was 
first occupied by the late Major Hans Dominik at the end of 1901. The British 
law regulating the minimum legal weight of elephant tusks is designed to prevent 
the slaughter of immature elephants, and it is quite in keeping with the wise 
demarcation of a game reserve at Lake Chad. 

The nebulous location of towns complained of in Bornu is not entirely not 
even chiefly due to defective mapping. A town may consist of a congeries of 
hamlets dotted over an area of twenty square miles or so ; and the natives will 
occasionally suddenly move off in a body to a hew location ten or twenty miles 
away, endowing the new town with the designation of the old one. Northern 
Nigeria has always had an Intelligence Department commensurate with its means, 
which has served it well ; the Administration has never slept over the matter of 
mapping ; and now, in due course, an accurate and exhaustive survey has been 
systematically taken in hand. 

In describing the life of the people, indications are rightly given of the 
relatively influential position held by the Mohammedan women near Chad ; but it 
would have been well had a full description of the ravages of the ubiquitous white 
ant been given the greatest pest and most prominent natural force to be observed 
in the region. This part of Africa is not likely to escape notice in the future, if for 
no other reason than that a great part of it is a natural granary ; and the authoress 
has succeeded in supplying those touches of local colour which are lacking in the 
picture apt to be limned by more scientific authors. We shall receive with interest 
future efforts which she may make in the same direction. N. 

India: Baluchistan. Bray. 

Census of India, 1911. By Denys Bray, I.C.S. Vol. II., Baluchistan, 444 
Part I. and II. Price, 4s. 6d. 

This is one of the most important contributions to our knowledge of the sociology 
of India published since the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson's classic report on the Punjab 
Census of 1881 appeared. Though Baluchistan cannot be said to form part of India 
proper, its tribes have fed the Indian population for generations, and the Brahui speak 
a Dravidian tongue, though what proportion of Dravidian blood they may now possess 
is, of course, another question. The Pathan and Baluch tribes to use a conven- 
tional but inaccurate term have preserved features which appear to be older, and, it 
must be confessed, ruder than anything to be found nowadays throughout even the 
Western Punjab, into which they have overflowed, though traces of their most primi- 
tive usages occur in scattered parts of it. From those usages we can gather some 
idea of what the primitive Punjab tribes, largely drawn from Iran, must have been. 
One must say some idea, for custom is anything but immutable. The Brahuts have 
copied the bride-price from the Pathans almost within living memory. A much older 
form of marriage was, Mr. Bray thinks, that of exchange, adal-badal, kanovati, 
vatandra the two latter have a strong Punjabi sound. Still less conservative (and 
more priest-ridden) are the Pathans, who are endeavouring, like a good many people 
in the Punjab, to merge betrothal and marriage into one, not merely in order to come 
into line with the shariat or Muhammadan law, but also in order to draw the 
betrothal tie taut once and for all by hallowing it with the nikah or wedding rites. 
So far, then, from a fanatical devotion to Islam leading the Pathan to emancipate 
women to the extent laid down in the Qoran, all that it does is to rivet the fetters 
still more closely upon them. And at first sight it certainly looks as if the denial to 
females of many legal rights, such as that of inheritance, had a disastrous effect on the 

[ 206 ] 

1913.] MAN. [No. lit 

female population. To every 1,000 sons only 799 daughters are born in all Baluchistan, 
and though the number of females of all ages rises to 832 after allowing for emigration, 
in which males are in excess, the ratio of the sexes is exceedingly unsatisfactory. 
Only in Makran and Las Bela have women in great measure made good their claims 
to inheritance, and it can be no accidental coincidence that Makran can boast the 
highest birth-rate generally, the highest female birth-rate, and the highest proportion 
of females in the living population. Mr. Bray is confident that females are not 
omitted in the census enumeration, and he failed to find any traces of female infanticide. 
The causes, then, of the paucity of females, which amounts, indeed, to a veritable 
famine, as he says, are obscure, but it is only too evident that depreciation of female 
rights is accompanied by a heavy decrease in the actual numbers of females, though the 
exact process of connection, if there is any connection, is not apparent. Mr. Bray 
has investigated the figures available with great care, but the vital statistical data 
are too scanty for any conclusions to be based on them. 

Another feature of Mr. Bray's Report is the masterly exposition of the extreme 
artificiality of primitive tribes. So heterogeneous are the Baluch, the Pathan, and, 
above all. the Brahui, that one is tempted to suggest that one ought to give up 
talking about Pathan or Baluch tribes and so on altogether, and speak of the Pathan, 
Baluch, &c., " groups," using some term which does not connote race or descent at 
all, but simply fusion or federation. It is not even accurate to speak of the clans or 
septs which make up the Papuan tribe or the Baluch or Brahui tribe, for the sept or 
class may be equally heterogeneous. Man at this backward stage of his development 
is an organising, bargaining animal, whose actions are determined by economic stress 
and military self-interest, not by tribal affinities or the ties of kinship. The bonds of 
family are only intense up to a certain point. Beyond that they are easily broken, and 
forged anew. But the federated " tribe " formed out of various ethnic elements by 
alliance, adoption, and clientship, is a consciously formed association, not a purely 
natural unit. 

Mr. Bray has collected much material which affords food for reflection. As 
Mr. W. Crooke points out, the Makrani's way of threatening or persuading a barren 
tree into bearing illustrates the parable of the barren fig tree in the New Testament. 
How thin is the veneer spread by Islam over the primitive creeds of the people is 
shown by various survivals. At first sight we have what look like traces of totemism, 
e.g. a Bikak Chhatta Jat will never eat bik or kidneys at all, nor will a Delaran eat 
laran or guts. But why will no Umrani Baluch tolerate a long-necked drinking vessel 
and no Jamali put up with burning cow-dung ? In the Kachhi tract we find some 
curious tabus among menials and artisans. Thus the weavers abominate a tool called 
penr, the cobblers bits of rotten hide, minstrels uncrushed pulse, grain-parchers a lemon, 
carpenters the brinjal or egg plant, and barbers honey. A chief in the Kachhi used 
to have fine sport in the old days in trying to make the menials bring the names of 
their pet abominations to their lips. The very mention of them on the lips of others 
was enough to make them weep and wail and rend their clothes. One would fain 
believe that pride in their work was at the bottom of the cobblers' tabu, but the 
others are unaccountable. In all kinds of ways primitive religion has been dove- 
tailed into the Islamic system. Rain-making and stopping are equally practised. 
Among the Brahuis, when the flocks are dying for want of rain, a sham fight is 
arranged between the womenfolk of two nomad encampments, a device which recalls 
a fertility charm described in the Punjab Census Report, 1912.* The only ones to 

* Pp. 236-7. The custom is known as Kanagatan laran, or fighting (of females) in Kanya-(Virgo)- 
yat, and in it regular fights take place between large gangs of women on the amdwas day on the road 
to the river. The idea unlying it is that the souls of other females may incarnate as the offspring of the 
women taking part in it. Men are not supposed to interfere. 

[ 207 ] 

Nos. 111-112.] MAN. [1913 

dabble in rain-stopping are the grain-hoarders, who always hanker after drought, and 
the women, who get bored with a few days' rain among Pathans. Throw a handful 
of salt in the fire, nail a horse-shoe on to the wall well out of reach of the rain, 
plaster a wheaten bannock on a rubbish heap,* or put a Koran into a cold oven, bring 
it back to your room, and distribute alms. In Kalat we have what looks like a counter- 
charm to these in the boys' game of the little old man Avhose chorus shout for " a hole 
" in the house of the miser ! " Holy men specialise in particular departments of nature, 
so that we have a Makri or Locust Sayyid who has locusts under his charm, which is 
transmitted from father to son by simply spitting into his mouth, a process which drives 
the new initiate mad for a day or two. The Sayyid endowed with this power catches 
a locust, spits into its mouth, and lets it go with the result that the swarm disperses. 
Anthropologists will find Mr. Bray's Report a book to keep, and his Life History 
of the Brahui, shortly to be published by the Royal Asiatic Society, will add largely 
to our knowledge of life in Baluchistan. In conclusion, it may be noted that Mr. Bray 
quotes Herrick's couplet : 

Who to the North, or South, doth set 
His bed, male children shall beget. 

Any. parallels to this notion might possibly throw light on the various positions of the 
body in sepulture. The present writer is not comanced that the laying of a corpse's 
head to the north always indicates that the race claims a northern origin. 

H. A. R. 

Africa, Central. Moubray. 

In South Central Africa. By J. M. Moubray, F.R.G.S. Constable & Co. 41 A 
Pp. 198 and vii ; forty-six photographs and map. Price 10s. 6d. Ufa 

When on page 3 of a book the reader meets with such a statement as " the popu- 
" lation consists of the white man, the dago, and the nigger (including Chinamen 
" and Indians)," he will not expect to find in the course of his reading anthropo- 
logical information that would startle the scientific world, nor will he be disappointed 
in this during the perusal of In South Central Africa, a book recording in a breezy 
way the experiences of Mr. Moubray in that country. No blame is to be attached 
for this to the author, who disclaims scientific pretensions, but he ought not to make 
the statement that he has accumulated much novel material, for this is not justified 
by anything contained in his book. His personal adventures are spiced with yarns 
which greet us with friendly familiarity, such as the story of the child used as a bait 
to attract crocodiles (a custom attributed in my youthful days by continental peoples 
to the wicked English lord hunting in India), and the proverbial dirtiness of the 
" nigger." 

However, the account of the irrigation works, and especially of the terrace cultiva- 
tions in the Inyanga district (which latter have been made by the natives to prevent 
the depredations of their plantations by rhinoceros) is interesting, because it proves a 
spirit of enterprise and of perseverance that has an important bearing on the history 
of the neighbouring Zimbabwe and contributes to discredit the Hall-Bent theories, in 
which the author is a firm believer. 

The illustrations of the swamp dwellings are interesting, and most of the photo- 
graphs are good, although some, like the one of the bushbuck on page 170, are touched 
up so as to convey a wrong impression. E. T. 


In MAN, 1913, No. 88, p. 159, for Libyanic read Lihyanic. 

* Contrary to the usage in the Punjab, where to defsecate upon a chapatti placed in an open field 
expresses indifference to rain and shows the sky the uselessness of continuing to withhold it. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 







Nos. 1 1O1. 







Africa, Central. A Few Notes on Butwa : An African Secret Society. DUGALD CAMPBELL 38 
Africa, Central. Manganja Head Dresses. (With Plate X.) R. R. MARETT, M.A., D.Sc. 73 
Africa, Central. The Swamps of Bangweolo and its Inhabitants. (With Plates ff, If, 

and fllwttrations.} VON ROSEN 49 

Africa, Central. Nyasaland : Angoni Smelting Furnace. (Illustrated.} H. S. STANNUS, 

M.D 65 

Africa, East: Religion. A Galla Ritual Prayer. Miss A. WERNER 64 

Africa, South: ArehSBOlOgy. Stone Implements from South Africa. (With Plate D.} 

J. LEE Doux 30 

Africa, West. "Bori" among the Hausas. H. R. PALMER 52 

Africa, West. Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. (No. 1.) 

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, M.A., LL.M., Dip. Anth. 13 

Africa, West. Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. (Nos. 2 and 3.) 

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, M,A., LL.M., Dip. Anth. 69 

Africa, West. Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. (Nos. 4-8.) 

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, M.A., LL.M., Dip. Anth. 76 

Africa, West. Nigerian Strolling Players. ( With, Plate 3 r .) MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARNE, 

M.A., LL.M., Dip. Anth 95 

Africa. See- also EGYPT ; NIGERIA, SOUTHERN. 

America : Archaeology. Archaeology in America. Miss A. C. BRETON 5 

Applied Anthropology. The Value of a Training in Anthropology for the Administrator. 


Archaeology. Rarity of Large Flint Implements in Gloucestershire. A. D. PASSMORE ... 67 

Archaeology. Standing Stones and Stone Circles in Yorkshire. A. L. LEWIS 83 

Archaeology. The Origin of the Horse-shoe Arch . SIR H. H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 20 
Archaeology. The Striation of Flint Surfaces. ( With Plate M.} J. REID MoiR, F.G.S. ... 90 
Archaeology : Australia. Pygmy Implements from Australia. (Illustrated.} J. P. 


Archaeology : France. On some Prehistoric Antiquities in the Departments of the Vienne 

and the Charente, France. A. L. LEWIS ... ... ... 22 

Australia, South. Evidence of Bark Canoes and Food-Ca.rriers on the River Murray, 

South Australia. (With Plate I-J.} H. BASEDOW, M.A., M.D 63 

Australia. The Relationship System of the Dieri Tribe. A. R. BROWN 33 

Bactria : Bronze Age. A Bactriari Bronze Ceremonial Axe. (With Pla'e B.} SIR C. 


Biography. The Life and Work of N. N. Miklukho-Maklay. M. A. CzAPLicKA 98 

Chile, Northern. A further Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise at Indio Muerto, Northern 

Chile. {Illustrated.} OSWALD H. EVANS and JOHN SOUTHWARD 21 

Egypt. Evidence for the Custom of Killing the King in Ancient Egypt. M. A. MURRAY 12 
England : Archaeology. Description of a Bronze Flat Celt in the Newbury Museum. 

(Illustrated.} H. PEAKE and J. J. MANLEY ... 51 

England : Archaeology. Flint Implements of Moustier Type and Associated Mammalian 

Remains from the Crayford Brick-earths. (Illustrated.} R. BRICE HIGGINS and R. A. 


England : Archaeology. Flint Implements from the Crayford Brick-earths. R. A. SMITH 31 
Ethnography : Pelew Islands. Inlaid Bowl and Stand from the Pelews. (With Plate C. 

<tnd Illustrations.} H. G. BEASLEY 18 


Fiji. Masks in Fiji. A. M. HOCART 53 

Fiji. Masks in Fiji A Correction. A. M. HOCART 85 

Fiji. More about Tauvu, A, M. HOCART 96 



Fiji. The Disappearance of a Useful Art in Rotuma. A. M. HOCAKT 82 

Fiji : Ethnology. Note on the Dual Organisation in Fiji. A. M. HOCART 2 

Folklore. See AFRICA, WEST. 

India. Female Infanticide in India. T. C. HODSON 44 

India, South. Cross Cousin Marriage in South India. F. J. RICHARDS 97 

India : Ethnography. Some Brahmanic String Figures. (Illustrated.*) C. L. T. GRIFFITH 


Jersey : Archaeology. Excavation of a Barrow called La Hougue de Vinde, situated at 

Noirmout, Jersey. (Illustrated.) R. R. MARETT and G. F. B. DE GRUCHY 32 

Linguistics. A New Pacific Ocean Script. (With Plate F.) J. MACMILLAN BROWN ... 43 

Linguistics. See NIGERIA, SOUTHERN. 

Mexico : Archaeology. Note on a Sculptured Stone Chest from the Panuco Valley. ( With 

Plate. A.) T. A. JOYCE, M.A 1 

New Zealand. Cremation amongst the Maori Tribes of New Zealand. ELSDON BEST ... 50 
New Zealand. Maori Beliefs concerning the Human Organs of Generation. ELSDON BEST 66 

New Zealand. The Peopling of New Zealand. (With Plate E.~) ELSDON BEST 37 

Nigeria, Southern : Linguistics. " Slang " in Southern Nigeria. N.W.THOMAS ... 3 

Obituary. Adolph Francis Bandelier. D. RANDALL MAClVER 84 

Obituary. Mary Seymour. See TASMANIA. 

Papua. Some Notes on the Nomenclature of Western Papua. W. N. BEAVER 68 

Papua. Some Notes on the Eating of Human Flesh in the Western Division of Papua. 


Physical Anthropology. On the Differentiation of Man from the Anthropoids. CARVETH 

READ, M.A 91 

Religion : Mana. A. M. HOCART 46 

Tasmania. Relic of the Lost Tasmanian Race Obituary Notice of Mary Seymour. (With 



Africa, East. Stigand. The Land of Zinj ; being an Account of British East Africa, its 

Ancient History and present Inhabitants . A. WERNER... ... ... ... ... ... 47 

Africa, South. Elleuberger. History of the Basuto, Ancient and Modern. A.WERNER ... 93 

Africa, South. Junod. T/te Life of a South African Tribe. J. ROSCOE 54 

Africa, West. Benton. TJie Sultanate of Bormi. P. AMAURY TALBOT 80 

Africa, West, Talbot. In ttie Shadow of the Bush. A. J. N. TREMEARNE 86 

Africa, West. Tessmann. Die Pangwe. P. AMAURY TALBOT 99 

Africa, West. Thomas. Ibo-speahing Peoples of Nigeria. P. AMAURY TALBOT ... ... 71 

Africa. See CONGO ; UGANDA. 

Africa: Linguistics. Meinhof. Die Sprachen der Hamiten. N. W. T ... 7 

America, South. Church. Aborigines of South America. A. C. B. ... ... ... ... 8 

America, South: Ethnology. Labrador. El Paraguay Catolico. A. C. B. 58 

America: Archaeology. Beuchat. Manuel d'Archeologie Americaine. T. A. J 24 

Anthropology. Johnston. Views and Reviews. M. LoNGWORTH DAMES 23 

Archaeology : Mesopotamia. Handcock. MesopotamianArchceology. H. G. SPEARING... 25 
Archaeology : Spain. Breuil : del Rio : Obermaier. La Pasiega (Santander, Spain). 



Art. Spearing. The Childhood of Art. A. C. HADDON 55 

Australia. Malinowski. Tlie Family among the Australian Aborigines. A. R. B 16 

Borneo. Hose : McDougall. The Pagan Tribes of Borneo. T. A. J 40 

Congo. Weeks. Among the, Congo Cannibals : Experiences, Impressions, and Adventures. 


Ethnology: Method. Graebner. Methode der Ethnologic. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND ... 7Q 
Ethnology. See AMERICA, SOUTH, 


Evolution. Ncophilosophos Tis. Der Mensch und Seine Kulter. B. M.. 42 

Folk-lOPe. Andrews. Ulster Folk-lore. M. L.ONGWORTH DAMES 72 

Folk-lore. Wright. Rust in Speech and Folk-lore. M. LONOWORTH DAMES 88 

Germany : Archaeology. Schmidt. Die diluviale Vorzeit Deutschlands. R. A. S. ... 14 

India : Ancient Hindu Medicine. Hoernle. The. Bower Manuscript. L. A. WADDELL... 39 

India : Cochin. Iyer. T/ta Cochin Tribes and Castes. W. CROOKE 29 

Indonesia. DC Zwaan. Die Heilkunde der Xiagger. W. J. PERRY 100 

Japan: Prehistory. Munro. Prehistoric Japan. A. C. HABDON 6 

Linguistics. Johnston. Phonetic Spelling : A proposed Universal Alphabet for the rendering 

of English, French, German, and all other Forms of Speech. N. W. T. 57 

Linguistics. See AFRICA. 

Melanesia : Migrations. Friederici. Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer awtlichen 

Forsehungsreise nach tJein Bismarck- Arciti pel im Jahre 1908. Unterxuchungen ilber eine 

Melnnesische Wander straxse. SIDNEY H. RAY ... 34 

Mexico : Archaeology. Joyce. Mexican Archeeoloyy. A. C. B 56 

Pacific : Archaeology. Enock. Tlie Secret of t he Pacific. H. J. B 79 

Physical Anthropology. Boas. Changes in bodily form of Descendants of Immigrants. 

H. J. FLEIIRE 101 

Physical Anthropology. Buttel-Reepen. Man and his Forerunners. A.KEITH 17 

Religion. Frazer. Adonis, Attis, Osiris : Studies in the. History of Oriental Religion. 


Religion. Frazer. Balder the Beautiful. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 94 

Religion. Frazer. Psyches Task : A Discourse concerning the Influence of Superstition on 

the Growth of Institutions. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 77 

Religion. Frazer. The Scapegoat. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 41 

Religion. Main. Religious Chastity : An Etlbnological Study. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND ... 28 

Religion. Upward. The Divine Mystery. P. AMAURY TALBOT 87 

Religion. See SARDINIA. 

Sardinia: Primitive Religion. Pettazzoni. La Religione Primitii-a in Sardegna. 

B. Z. S ' 9 

Sociology. Webster. Rest Days ; a Sociological Study. B. M. 26 

Uganda. Kagwa. Ekitabo kya Basckabaka, Bebuganda. A. W. CRABTREE 27 


The Mythic Society of Bangalore 10 

Anthropological Teaching in Universities 35 

International Congress of Americanists 48 

Anthropology at the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 

1914 89 


See Nos. 36, 59, 60, 61, 62. 



A. A Sculptured Stone Chest from the Panuco Valley With No. 1 

B. A Bactrian Bronze Ceremonial Axe ... ... ... ... ... 11 

c. Inlaid Bowl and Stand from the Pelews 18 

D. Stone Implements from South Africa ... ... ... 30 

E. The Peopling of New Zealand ... ... ... 37 

F. A New Pacific Ocean Script ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ,. 43 

G-H. The Swamps of Bangweolo and its Inhabitants ... ... ... ... ... ., 49 

i-j. Evidence of Bark Canoes and Food Carriers on the River Murray, South Australia 63 

K. Manganja Head-dresses ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 73 

L. Mary Seymour, Ta^manian Half Caste ... ... ... ... ... 81 

M. The Striation of Flint Surfaces 90 

N. Nigerian Strolling Players ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 95 


N.E. Photograph, unless otherwise stated. 

Fig. 1. Flint Implement with Facetted Butt, Crayford. (Drawings.) ... ... ... With No. 4 

Fig. 2. Flint Flake with Facetted Butt, Crayford. (Drawing.) 4 

Figs. 3, 4. Flint Flakes, Butts broken, Crayford. (Drawings?) ... ... ... ... 4 

Fig. 5. Flint Implement with Facetted Butt, Bury St. Edmunds. (Di-aiuings.) ... 4 

Fig. 1. Inlaid Bowl from the Pelews 18 

Fig. 1. Wooden " Palette " from Chanarel. (Drawings.*) ... ... ... 21 

La Hougue de Vinde, Jersey. (Drawing.') ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ., 32 

La Hougue de Vinde, Jersey. View looking East of excavated interior ... ... ... ,, 32 

Fig. 1. Temple Door. (Drawing.') ... ... ... ... ... ... 45 

Fig. 2. Temple Tank. (Drawing.') .. 45 

Fig. 3. The Lingam Stone. (Drawing.') ... ... ... ... ... 45 

Figs. 4, 5. The Caste Mark of a Vaishnavite. (Drawings.') ... ... ... ... 45 

Fig. 6. A Yom. (Drawing.) ' 45 

Fig. 7. Fields and Irrigation Channels (first stage). (Drawing.') ... ... ... 45 

Fig.]. Batwa Huts in the Quagmire ... ... ... ... ... ... 49 

Fig. 2. Cupping : The air i 5 sucked out of the cup horn. Batwa Tribes 49 

Fig. 3. Cupping : The horn sticks fast through air pressure. Batwa Tribes 49 

Fig. 4. Karta b'fver Expeditionens fard genom Bangveolo-Omradet ... 49 

Bronze Flat Celt. (Drawing.)'... ... ... ... ... ,, 51 

Angoni Smelting Furnace ... ... ... ... ... 65 

Pygmy Implements from Australia. (Drawings.') ... ... ... ... ... ... ,, 75 



,B, The Numbers to which an asterisk is added are those of Reviews of Boohs. 

KEITH, A., 17*. 

LEWIS, A.. L., 22, 83, 85. 

B., A. R., 16*. 
B., H. J., 79*. 
BASEDOW, H., 63, 81. 
BEASLET, H. G., 18. 
BEAVER, W. N., 68, 74. 
BEST, ELSDON, 37, 50, 66. 
BRETON, A. C., 5, 8*, 56*, 58*. 
BROWN, A. R., 33. 

CZAPLICKA, M. A., 98. 
CRABTREE, A. W., 27*. 
CROOKE, W., 29*. 

DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, 23*, 72*, 88*. 
Doux, J. LEE, 30. 

FLEURE, H. J., 101*. 

GRIFFITH, C. L. T., 45. 
GRUCHEY, G. F. B. de, 32. 

HADDON, A. C., 6*, 55*. 
HARTLAND, E. S., 28*, 41*, 70*, 77*, 

92*, 94*. 

HOCART, A. M., 2, 46, 53, 82, 85, 96. 
HODSON, T. C., 44. 

JOHNSON, J. P., 75. 
JOYCE, T. A., 1, 24*, 40*. 

M., B., 26*, 42*. 
MANLEY, J. J., 51. 
MARETT, R. R., 32, 73. 
MOIR, J. REID, 90. 
MURRAY, M. A., 12. 

PALMER, H. R., 52. 
PASSMORE, A. D., 67. 
PEAKE, H., 51. 
PERRY, W. J., 100*. 

RAY, S. H., 34*. 



RICHARDS, F. J., 97. 

ROSCOE, J., 54*. 

ROSEN, VON, 49. 

S., B. Z., 9*. 
SMITH, R. A., 4, 14*, 31. 
SPEARING, H. G., 25*, 78*. 
STANNUS, H. S., 65. 

TALBOT, P. A., 71*, 80*, 87*, 99*. 
THOMAS, N. W., 3, 7*, 57*. 
TREMEARNE, A. J. N., 13, 69, 76, 86*, 

WADDELL, L. A., 39*. 
WERNER, A., 15*, 47*, 64, 93*. 


MAM, 1914. 




N.B. All communications printed in MAN are signed or initialled by their 
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed. 

N.B. MAN, 1914, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets, of at least sixteen 
pages each, printed in single column; containing " Original Articles" and substantial 
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards. 

N.B. Articles published in MAN should be quoted by the year and the 
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which 
begins on page 4 should be quoted as MAN, 1914, 4. 


Mexico : Archaeology. With Plate A. Joyce. 

Note on a Sculptured Stone Chest -from the Panuco Valley. By 4 

T. A. Joyce, M.A. 

The stone chest, of which the four sides are figured on Plate A, was acquired 
by the British Museum in 1879, together with five stone sculptures originating from 
the Huaxtec country, in the region of the Panuco Valley, Mexico. It is cut from 
solid greyish volcanic rock, and is of the following dimensions : 

Exterior Length, 76 cm. ; breadth, 56 cm. ; height, 35 cm. 
Interior Length, 60 cm. ; breadth, 41 cm. ; height, 25 cm. 

The vipper edge is furnished with a rabbet (45 mm. by 25 mm.), over which fits a 
solid lid of similar stone, shaped like a truncated pyramid. This lid, not shown in 
the illustration, measures at the base 80 cm. by 63 cm., and at the top 70 cm. by 
48 cm. ; it is 22 cm. deep, and slightly hollowed out so as to fit over the rabbet of 
the chest. 

As can be seen from the plate, the sides of the chest are sculptured in bold 
relief with a design which is practically identical in each case. Two figures are 
seated facing one another, stretching out their hands towards a head (or mask) 
which lies on the ground between them, and from which springs what is perhaps 
a plume of feathers. 

The right-hand figure wears a cipactli or eecatl mask ; the left-hand figure 
either carries a small mouth mask, like that seen on Zapotec pottery figures, or is 
furnished with a fleshless jaw, which frequently appears among the Maga as an 
attribute of the death-god. The head between the two figures is similar to that of 
the figure on the left. The work is stilF and archaic in character, but here and 
there some attempt at elaboration appears, e.g., in the treatment of the dress of the 
left-hand figure on Plate A3. At first sight it looks as if the three dots above 
the central head might form part of a date, but they may equally well be merely 
part of the ornamental head-dress. 

Again the left-hand figure appears to be accompanied by numerical signs, in 
fig. 2 by a double curl which may be equivalent to the Maga sign for ; in fig 1, 

Nos, 1-2.] MAxV. [1914. 

by 1 ; in fig. 4, by 2 ; and in fig. 3, by 3. The right-hand figure, on the other 
hand, is only once accompanied by what may be a numeral, namely, in fig. 1, where 
that numeral may be 2. However, the raised circle is so common as an ornamental 
element in the carving of this chest that these signs may not be numerals at all, 
and the chest, like the other known monuments of Huaxtec art, may be devoid of 
glyphs altogether. 

Chests of this nature were used in the Mexican valley as receptacles for the 
ashes of the dead, and by analogy, it may be concluded that this specimen also is a 
coffin. If this is so, and if the sculptured scene be considered symbolical rather 
than calendrical, and the right-hand figure be taken to represent eecatl, then the 
whole device may portray the death-god and life-god struggling for possession of the 
deceased. If the right-hand figure be taken as a cipactli-headed deity, and therefore 
an earth-god, the picture may be meant to show the deceased in the hands of the 
lords of the underworld. Of these two explanations, the latter is, I think, preferable, 
but I do not pretend that it is entirely satisfactory, and I should be only too glad 
to receive suggestions. It is in the hope of eliciting these that I venture to publish 
the photographs of the chest, though the interest of the specimen, owing to the 
comparative rarity of Huaxtec carvings in museums, is sufficient excuse. 


Fiji : Ethnology. Hocart. 

Note on the Dual Organisation in Fiji. By A. M. Hocart. A 

The ethnology of the smaller islands of Fiji and the east coast of Viti tm 
Levu yielded abundant evidence that the dual organisation once existed in parts of Fiji 
or among one of the races that enter into the composition of the Eastern Fijians.* 
On returning to Fiji as research student of Exeter College, Oxford, T have been 
able to ascertain its present existence in the valleys of the Ndreketi and Wainunu 
rivers of Vanua Levu. 

Pending a more complete account of the evidence collected, the following 
summary may be of interest. 

The two moieties are called vosa, a word identified by the natives, rightly or 
wrongly, with the Mbauan vusa, a tribe or family. They have little practical 
importance beyond that a man must marry into the opposite vosa. The only other 
use I could discover was, that in the game of tingga (reed throwing) the players 
were divided into two camps according to vosa. A man belongs to his mother's vosa. 

Perhaps the most suggestive feature is that the vosa are called vosa turanga 
and vosa dhauravou respectively. I have shown in another paperf that turanaa 
may mean elder, or noble ; dhauravou, younger, or plebeian. Which meaning must 
we adopt here ? Evidently a difference of age is almost out of the question, for 
we cannot see why one moiety should be older than the other. We must, therefore, 
conclude that one moiety was originally noble and the other not. This opens the 
way to many speculations, which can only be answered by a complete survey of Fiji 
and neighbouring islands. The meanings of noble and plebeian are comparatively 
late ; therefore the names of the vosa must also be comparatively late. There are 
other reasons to suppose that the dual organisation is not aboriginal among these 
Fijiaus, but here again a complete survey must precede such a discussion. 

Among the same tribes each man has some animal or plant (I cannot call them 
totems, for reasons to be set forth in another paper). This animal or plant is one 
living or growing in the man's sacred land. If it is an animal, it may haunt it 
simply as a spirit, not in the flesh. As a man's sacred land is his mother's, and he 

* See the Fijian custom of tauvu, Journ. It. Antlvr. Inst., 1913, Vol. XLIII, p. 101. 
t On the meaning of the Fijian word turanya, MAN, 1913, 80. 

[ 2 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos. 2-3. 

also takes his mother's plant and animal. He may eat freely of both, because "he is one 
with them."* On the other hand, he may not eat his father's animal or plant, which 
he speaks of as his kalou, that is his ghost or spirit.f If he eats of it, he gets sores. 

As far as the clanj goes, these tribes are now in a state of transition from 
matrilineal descent to patrilineal descent, the latter tending to prevail. 


Nigeria, Southern : Linguistics. Thomas. 

"Slang" in Southern Nigeria. By N. W. Thomas. O 

At Onitsha and Asaba, and possibly elsewhere in the Ibo country, a kind U 
of backslaug known as akolo is spoken, the basis of which is the ordinary language. 
It is spoken best, I am imformed, by older men, but my informants were youths of 
seventeen or eighteen, and their fluency left nothing to be desired. 

The main lines of formation are, (1) inversion of syllables, often with con- 
current vowel change ; (2) insertion of a syllable or syllables either in the body of 
the word, or more often as a suffix ; (3) occasionally the dropping of a syllable in 
a re-duplicated word or (4) the use of an entirely different word, which is itself 
reduplicated, but has not necessarily either vowels or consonants in common with 
the original word. 

Individual words are dealt with on one principle, and the rules that apply to 
polysyllables may be applied also to combinations of words ; the result is that a 
word used by itself looks and sounds entirely different from the same word used 
with an adjective ; and if the noun and adjective form part of a sentence there is 
no limit to the changes of form they may undergo. 

Real monosyllables are rare in Ibo, and it is difficult to illustrate the rules that 
apply in the case of monosyllables ; nwa, child, becomes tanwa, as though nwa were 
nwata ; mme, blood, takes .1 suffix and becomes mebunke : as the in in mine is 
double, it might appear that this suffix is used because the word is, like nti 
(ntibunke), practically a dissyllable ; but nna, father, and nne, mother, make mnnna, 
munne ; though nnu, salt, makes nubunke ; the rule is therefore uncertain. 

When we come to dissyllables we are on firmer ground ; with consonantal aidant 
the syllables are simply reversed and n prefixed : mwadu, person, ndoma ; mili, water, 
nlimi. Where the initial letter is n followed by t, so far as a rule can \te derived 
from a single example, the word is treated like one with vowel anlaut, and bake, 
beke, etc., suffixed i.e., b (or w) is interposed between the initial vowel, which of 
course follows the final vowel (practically all nouns have A'owel anlaut) and ke is 
added ; e.g., nti, ear, ntibunke (for ntinbuke). As examples of vowel anlaut may 
be cited isi (nsibike), head ; ainya (nyabake) eye ; onu (nuwoke), neck ; an exception 
is aka (okabo) hand ; ano, four, is unchanged ; ofu, one, takes a prefix n without 
vowel change. 

The difference of tone in words otherwise homonymous is to some extent at 
least preserved ; akwa, egg, makes nkwabeke ; akwa, cloth, makes nkwabeke. 

In trisyllables, syllables one and two may be reversed : okporo (orokpo), woman ; 
or perhaps only the consonants, for we find okpala (olakpa), chief ; obosi (osebo), 
day. In reduplicated words one syllable may be dropped and the rule for dissyllables 
followed, lu-ici (neibnkeke), night ; ototo (ntnbokeke), morning, an extra ke at the 

* Lest anyone should be tempted to make capital of this expression in favour of psychological 
theories, such as that the savage cannot distinguish between himself and anything connected with 
himself, I must point out that there is nothing mystic in the phrase. It is a common way of 
expressing anything from identity to membership of the same clan, tribe, &c. 

t See on the meaning of kalou, Journ. R. Anthr. Inst., 1912, Vol. XLII, p. 437. 

J Fijian matan/jgall are not exogamous as a rule, but in this and subsequent papers I propose 
to call them clans, as there is no recognised term for such non-exogamous groups. 

[ 3 ] 

Nos. 3-4.] MAN. [1914, 

end marking the reduplication. Okei, man, makes ikeimwi ; asato (akutu), eight, is 
irregular ; as are ududo (ukuku), spider ; nnono (nkuku), bird ; apapa (okiiku) 

In quadrisyllables nvmbers two and four may be reversed, agilisi (asiligi), hair ; 
but we also find orimili (omiliniri), Niger ; akbakanwu (anwukckba), honey ; but 
these are mainly compound words. 

Where two dissyllables are joined the rule is simpler ; syllables two and four are 
simply interchanged, usually with vowel modification : uti nabi (mbo nati), two ears ; 
ainya nabi (abo nainya) two eyes ; but where elision has taken place the lost vowel 
is reinserted, but not necessarily in its proper place, ilin'ofu (ifuliona), eleven. 

With words of more syllables various rules prevail, ikporo nabi (ibo hanekpo), 
two women ; mili ozizo (nzolomimi) rain. 

Tn sentences a simple interchange of two consonants is sometimes found, nkita 
nke nti (ntita nkenka), the dog which I beat ; in other cases syllable two is replaced 
by syllable three and itself becomes syllable four, oru bia (obi eru) ; in dealing with 
reduplication the number of syllable is sometimes changed, ogabia tata (ogatabiabia). 
But certain words appear to retain the same form as when they are pronounced alone 
. important verbs have a special form, e.g. mwadu li nni (ndoma fe ili), the 
man is eating ; mwadu ola (ndoma de), the man is drinking ; rnwadu ol' ola (ndoma 
di uku), the man is sleeping. 

Dissyllabic verbs may be simply reversed, jebe (beje), go ; or they may be 

lengthened, bia (diabiowa), come. Di owa appears in affirmative sentences as the 

mark of the verb : anom adi cowa kan azulegu (anam aco ka ngol' azu), I want to 
buy fish. 

The following text was recorded from the same tAvo informants ; a plionogram 
of a conversation was also taken, but the speakers were totally unable to reproduce 
it for transcription : 

Kam akwulue adiwo suowa, emelenoiembe, ka onye kwe nihosimande. 

Akulu nka wasu, ebel' emem ka oku ainyi aderomwa. 

This akolo that they speak, I am sorry our word is not good. 

Kamanoka kwande nainyibeke gadinowa, egwainyeke, eke homilu. 

K'odi n'onwa (?) ainyi gana, ike egu ainyi, ike elurom. 

As it is, we will go, we tire, I am unable. 

Nyana gadikp'owa nyebakono, ogadi ainyi tiowa. 

Nnainyi gakpo, ainyi noka, ogatie ainyi. 

Our father will curse us, we stay long, he will beat us. 

JSTyeba adeka gakpowa inyebe, kade pwadiainyi edizi epowa. 

Ainyi kaya (?), gakpo b'ainyi (k'ainyi na), wa gwa ainyi pu n'ezi. 

We stay long, they will curse us, our mates, let us go, they will say to us, 

go outside. 

The first line is Akolo, the second ordinary Ibo. The numbers above vowels 
indicate the tone, one being the high tone. In this transcription e and o are open, 
e, o closed. The bracketed words are Akolo. N. W. THOMAS. 

England : Archssology. Higrgins : Smith. 

Flint Implements of Moustier Type and Associated Mam- 1 
malian Remains from the Crayford Brick-earths. By R. Brice T 
Higgins (read at a meeting of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 4th November 
1913): with a Note by R. A. Smith. 

The purpose of this paper and exhibition of flint implements together with 
associated mammalian remains is to show the close resemblance which exists between 
these finds in the Crayford Brick-earths, and some of the Moustier period of the 

[ 4 ] 



[No, 4. 

French archaeologists. Not only do they enable us to fix a precise date for the 
Crayford deposit, but at the same time the specimens provide an important link in 
fitting in the Thames Valley with that of the Somme. 

The Crayford brick-earths form part of what is called the 50-foot terrace of the 
Thames Valley, and consist of a deposit of sandy clay material overlaid by a trail of 
Blackheath pebbles, which has been washed down from the adjoining hillside. The 
deposit has been laid down against an old river cliff of chalk and Thanet sand, and 
in the thickest portion is from 40 feet to 60 feet in depth, the brick-earth gradually 
thinning out towards the gravels and alluvium of the present river. The extreme 
levels of the brick-earth appear to extend from about Ordnance datum, at the base, 
to the land surface, some 60 feet or more above that point. 

About 1880 Mr. F. C. J. Spurrell discovered implements and fossil remains in 
an old pit half a mile or so distant from the present pits and on the same formation, 
and recently Messrs. Leach and Chandler have paid close attention to the geological 
features of the present excavations, and given full particulars in the Proceedings of 

(Reproduced by kind permission.) 

the Geologists' Association.* It is to these gentlemen that I am indebted for much 
of the above information, and I am allowed to include the diagram published by the 

The specimens shown have taken me some four or five years to collect ; they were 
all found deeply embedded in the brick-earth, and came from between the levels of 
30 feet and 50 feet above Ordnance datum, the implements being obtained mainly from 
between the levels of 30 feet and 40 feet Ordnance datum Both the mammalian 
remains and the flints have been obtained direct from the workmen engaged in the pits, 
and there is no reason to question the bona fides of these men. The implements 
include all that I have been able to collect, and have in no way been selected for the 
present occasion. The mammalian remains have been examined and named by 
Dr. A. Smith Woodward, and comprise the following, viz. : 

Felis leo three teeth. 

Canis lupus right mandible. 

Elephas primigenins three molars and portions of tusks. 

Rhinoceros antiquitatis five molars and one premolar. 

Equus sp. (large form) several teeth and bones. 

Bos primigenius upper molar. 

* Prw: Geol. Assoc., Vol. ?3, p. 186. 

No. 4,] 




The flints are typical Moustier, and are described by Mr. Reginald Smith in the 
following note. We have accordingly implements of this period associated with a fauna 
well known to be of the same age, and all deeply embedded in the deposit. The bones 
of the mammals are found in their natural position, the cutting edges of the implements 
are as sharp as on the day of manufacture, and both are evidently of the same age as 
the- deposit itself ; there can therefore be no hesitation in assigning the Crayford 
brick-earths to the Moustier period. R. BRICE HIGGINS. 


A considerable addition to our knowledge of the Thames drift-deposits has been 
made through Mr. Higgins' long and patient observation of the brick-earth pits at 
Crayford. Collectors would say that the deposit 
was sterile, or would point to Mr. Spurrell's finds 
of thirty years ago as the only evidence of date, fauna, 
and industry. Remarkable as it was, that discovery 
did not settle the question, for the flint chips found 
in close association with the ja\v of a rhinoceros lay 
not in, but under, the brick-earth, on sand which 
seemed to have been derived from the Thanet sand 
on top of the cliff, at the foot of which they were 
found undisturbed. Several of these flints are ex- 
hibited with the jaw-bone at the Natural History 
Museum, and are in marked contrast to Mr. Higgins' 
find. In the first place they are quite unchanged, 
black, without lustre, quite sharp and unrolled. That 
they came from a workshop floor is proved by the fact that many of them have 
been refitted together, and some were evidently struck off to make an implement 
(subsequently found in close proximity), which fills the space left in the centre of 
the reconstituted nodule. They are short and relatively broad, with medium bulbs of 
percussion, and evidently waste flakes, the sole object being to make an implement 
of the core, as was usual in the Drift period. Such was the flint industry before 
the deposition of the brick-earth ; and this recent discovery, confirmed by other finds 
in England, shows that a change had taken place and that the flint- worker's aim was 
^_ JTv. to ma ke implements out of the struck flakes, not out of the core. 

This change ushered in the palaeolithic Cave-period. 

The following description includes all collected by Mr. Higgins 

that have any distinctive features : 

1. Unpatinated brown flake, 4 in. by 2% in., with yellow spots and knots of 
different density ; made into a shapely implement by flaking the upper face before 
it was detached from the core, and subsequently worn by use as a side-scraper 
(racloir) along half one edge neat the point. The bulb is large and the bulbar 
face is plain, but the platform above the bulb is much facetted and gives the base 
a curved outline. This peculiarity is in exact accordance with the form and 
technique of the implement, and has already been noticed at Northfleet and 
Amiens (Archceologia, LXII, 528.) (Fig. 1.) 

2. Patinated flake, 4*8 in. by 2'3 in., the original black or purplish brown 
merging into white, and all the stages being represented. Same technique as No. 1, 

^ ess 8ucc essful as an implement, and not used. Bulbar face plain with 
nt bulb, and platform facetted as before : the upper, convex face with 

longitudinal flakes, without secondary work (cf. flakes on plate Ixxiv of Archaologia, 

LXII.) (Fig. 2.) 

3. Unequally patinated flake, 5 in. by 2 -4 in., the upper face with central 
ridge and some lateral flaking, bluish white with unpatinated yellowish knots ; 

under face plain with bulb and facetted platform, translucent brown clouded in parts with bluish 
white, the patination being not so advanced as on the worked face. 

[ 6 ] 

FlG. 2. FLINT 




[No. 4, 

FIG. 3. 



4. Unequally patinated flake, 4 -2 in. by 1*9 in., similar to last but mottled white on bulbar 
face, and only speckled on the upper face, which has crust along one edge. The patination is most 
advanced just below the crust. In this specimen the platform is not facetted, and the bulb 
fairly flat. 

. Marbled flake, 4 in. by 3 -2 in., chiefly white, the patination being earlier than the human 
work as it lies just below the original crust, the interior being black and showing aa blue through 
the thinner parts of the white fllm. The material is faulty and the bulb missing, 
but the convex face has bold longitudinal flaking, and the breadth of the flake is 

6. Patinated flake, 3' 5 in. by 1'6 in., white on the convex face and speckled 
on the plain bulbar face. The bulb is missing, the butt showing a hinge fracture ; 
and the work is confined to longitudinal flakes on the upper face. One edge is 
practically straight, the other curves from the middle and meets the straight edge 
in a point that approaches the form of a graver, though probably without intention. 
There are slight traces of use on the curved edge. (Fig. 3.) 

7. Patinated flake, 3' 7 in. by 1'5 in., much like No. 6, but thinnest at the 
point, which is rounded. Convex face with clean central rib, crust along part of 
one edge, base a transverse fracture, and the bulbar face (bulb missing) speckled 
white with small knots. (Fig. 4.) 

8. Black and dark grey implement with curved knife-edge 4 4 7 in. by 2-1 in., the 
junction of the two colours being clearly seen in the thick squared back. There 
is_ no true patina, the black portion lying between the thin crust and the grey 
layer which often occurs as knots. Bulb at pointed end with remains of a 

facetted platform, bold flaking on other face, and a broad back that is well adapted for the hand 
and index finger. Signs of use on the cutting-edge. 

9. Black flake, 3' 5 in. by 2 in. of inferior quality, with thin crust. Bulb with facetted platform 
and bulbar cavity on the upper face, which is ridged longitudinally. 

10. Splinter, 2 -6 in. long, with triangular section, purplish with white splashes and specks of 
patina, and bulb at one end; quality as No. 4. 

It is unfortunate that Mr. Spurrell does not give exact particulars of the height 
at which his working floor was found. He states that it sloped from 36 feet to 
42 feet below the surface of the pit, and his diagram* may be taken to indicate a 
surface height of 70 feet Ordnance datum. This would give the floor a height of 
28 feet to 34 feet Ordnance datum, which is almost identical with that of the 
Northfleet floor, 4 feet to 14 feet below the surface of 45 feet O.D., or 30 feet 
to 40 feet O.D. The latter series showed all stages of patina from 
black to white, through blue and bluish white, according to the depth 
and extent of the white film ; whereas Mr. Spurrell's flints are exactly 
the .same as the day they were struck off the nodule ; and there are 
other grounds for treating the two series as distinct, and not contem- 
porary. There may be some difference in the fauna ; but Mr. Higgins' 
exhibit shows the typical mammoth fauna in the brick-earth, and 
Professor Boyd Dawkius found a skull of rnusk ox in Stoneham's pit, the 
site of Spurrell's discovery. 

Reference to the illustrations will facilitate comparison with the 
Northfleet industry, which is represented by the bulk of the worked 
flints fouud in a corner of the Southfleet pit in connection with a 
deposit identified as Coombe Rock. That series has been studied in 
detail, and is found to be identical with specimens from the neighbour- 
hood of Amiens, in the Somme Valley. Professor Commont has in more 
than one instance been successful in fitting the flake implement to 
its original tortoise-shaped core, thus putting the method of manufacture beyond all 
doubt ; and from sufficient internal and external evidence, he attributes the industry 
to an early stage of the period named after Le Moustier. 

* Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., XXXVI (1880), 547 ; A. L. Leach gives some particulars in Proc. Geol. 
Assoc., XIX (1906), 141, and section opp. p. 100. For the shells and sections at Crayford gee B. B. 
Woodward's paper in Proc. Geol. Assoc., xi., 375-7. 

[ 7 ] 

Nos. 4-5.] 



A fine specimen of this particular type from Le Moustier cave itself is in the 
British Museum ; and another, 5'9 in. long., not so perfect but still above the average, 
is here illustrated (Fig. 5), by kind permission of Miss Layard, who found it in a gravel 
pit near Bury St. Edmund's. Others have been found in river-gravel at Farnham, 
Surrey, and at Dunbridge, Hants,* proving that the Northfleet type is not a local 
or personal peculiarity. The distinctive features are an outline approaching the oval, 
broader at the bulbar end ; the under face plain with an unusually large and prominent 
bulb, sometimes trimmed away, and a blunt butt curved by means of a number of 
facets. The trimming of the upper or convex face was finished before the implement 
was detached from the core, unless the outline proved to be irregular or the bulb too 
prominent. M. Commont has well explained the connection between the facetting 
and the enormous bulb of percussion,! and it may be inferred that the former was 
intentional and the latter an inseparable accident. 

The theory is that the force of the blow detaching the flake from the core is 
dissipated over the entire platform or striking plane, so that when the latter is 
split up into several facets, the force is concentrated in a much smaller area, and 

produces a correspondingly large bulb 
immediately below the point of impact. 
The facetting would serve to shape the 
butt to the hand, getting rid of sharp 
angles and giving the desired solidity. 
Further details of the Northfleet industry 
may be found in Archceologia, LXII, 
Part ii, p. 515, and it only remains to 
emphasize the importance of Mr. Higgins' 
discovery. Though he has found no 
specimens of first-class workmanship 
and such would not commonly be left 
among the debris of a workshop floor 
his flakes are evidence enough of Le 
Moustier culture on the lower Thames 
during or before the deposition of the 
brick-earth of Crayford, and the Northfleet 
series is held to prove a similar occupa- 
tion before the middle or 50-foot terrace was overwhelmed by an avalanche of half- 
frozen mud, now known as Coombe Rock. Geologically this is an important step 
forward, and while indicating the enormous antiquity of Le Moustier man, inspires 
the hope that further investigation will before long reveal the culture of those who 
lived on the still lower terrace of the Thames. R. A. SMITH. 


America : Arcliaeology. Breton. 

Archaeology in America. By Miss A. C. Breton. C 

Expeditions continue to be sent for the study of different parts of this U 
great field of exploration. Dr. K. Th. Preuss, of Berlin, started in September for 
Southern Colombia, where the curious ancient tombs and statues have recently 
attracted attention. In Mexico, the work of the International School of American 
Ethnology and Archasology progressed very satisfactorily during the season of 
1912-13, under the direction of M. Georges Engerrand. The investigation of the 
stratification of the archaeological remains was carried on in two places on a much larger 
scale than in the previous year, and a good deal of interesting linguistic material was 

* Proc. Soc. Antiq., XXIV, 110. 

f L'indusMe Mousterienne dans la region du Xord de la France. (Congres prhistorique de 
France. Beauvais, 1909, p. 115.) 

[ 8 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 5. 

also obtained. Professor A. M. Tozzer, of Harvard, is in charge for 1913-14, and hopes 
to continue the study of the stratification in the Valley of Mexico. The school 
needs further support, its total income for all salaries, student-fellowships, and 
research work being at present 2,000/. 

Professor Max Uhle, an honorary fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 
has been chief of the Government Department of Ethnology and Archaeology at 
Santiago, Chile, since 1912, and was in Northern Chile from May to September 1913, 
making excavations at several places. He writes : 

" Extremely interesting are the remains of a very ancient pre-pottery race 
near Coquimbo, of which Mr. Latcham has given so good a description, though 
I cannot confirm his view that the layers prove a later submersion below sea level. 
I also observed the unexpected great age of the well-painted pottery (similar in 
type to that of the Calchaqni), hitherto supposed to date from near the time of the 
Incas. From Caldera north to Antofagasta there are now scarcely any remains of 
the Changes along the coast. Fishermen have destroyed everything superficial, and 
anything still left could only be studied by takiug a boat or motor launch during 
the summer season. The coast is too inhospitable for travelling with horses owing 
to the complete lack of all resources. A few individual Changes are still living, 
but they do not like to be called Changos, nor to be measured or photographed, and 
there seems to be no remnant of their language. Their ancient graves contain 
scarcely any pottery or artifacts and no textiles or wooden implements. 

" Further north at Pic-halo, a mile and a half from Pisagua, I found some 
ancient cemeteries on the slopes of the desert, waterless hills that fall steeply to 
the bay. Most of the graves had been already ransacked, but the excavations which 
I conducted in others made it possible to determine three different periods. One 
showed the proto-Nazca influence, with primitive textiles, fine knotted caps, highly 
developed basketry, and a very primitive style of burial. Deformation of the skull 
was already practised. Owing to the dry climate and the steepness of the slope 
(36 deg.) the artifacts and mummies are wonderfully preserved and thirty-five 
mummies were secured. The ' female ' throwing-stick was the weapon used at this 
period. In another cemetery the influence of the monuments of Tiahuanaco is 
visible in the designs of some of the textiles. The poncho and the bow appear, 
and the manner of burial becomes less savage. A third burial-place has resemblances 
in the style of the mummies, and wooden and bone objects, to those of the 
Atacamenos that 1 discovered at Calama. Pottery appears only with objects of 
the post-Tiahuanaco period, and painted pottery is still exceptional in that of the 
Atacamenos. But near the same place were many fragments of good painted 
pottery, ornamented in a different style, and belonging perhaps to another culture, 
whose graves may have been destroyed by the construction of the modern town. 
This last culture exists also at Arica and Camarrones. 

" At Pichalo I also excavated a cave, now about twenty metres above sea-level, 
although boulders on the floor show that at one time the sea entered. It appears 
to have been inhabited at several periods ; the earliest remains indicate that the 
occupiers lived on algaB, made ropes, and later some simple garments from the 
reeds of the Pisagua river. Three periods, with mummies, Avere represented in 
the stratification those that I have called ' after proto-Nazca,' ' after Tiahuanaco,' 
and Atacameno. I am taking back forty -one cases of objects for the museum at 
Santiago and they will afford material for further study, whilst important facts may 
be brought out respecting the early inhabitants. Some of the mummy-packs 
contained a number of small stone chips, not worked according to the established 
standards, but evidently used as implements." A. C. BRETON. 

[ 9 J 

No. 6.] MAN. [1914. 

Japan: Prehistory. Munro. 

Prehistoric Japan. By Neil Gordon Munro, M.D. Yokohama : 1911. O 
Edinburgh : W. Bryce, 54, Lothiau Street. U 

Two distinct prehistoric cultures are met with in Japan, with traces of a third. 
The earliest of these is characterised by implements of a neolithic type, the relics 
being dug up from the soil or from shell-heaps ; and the stone axes therein found 
are called " thunder axes." The implements are polished, finely chipped, or even 
roughly hewn ; metallic objects are absent, except in very rare instances in which the 
sites are overlaid by relics of a later culture. Some implements have a spade-like 
shape. Records of the Sui Dynasty, of about the seventh century A.D., state that 
implements of stone were used for agriciilture by the inhabitants of the Luchus, but 
agriculture has not been conclusively proved for the "neolithic" people of Japan. 
Stone arrow-heads of very varied form are common, stone spear-heads and stone batons 
also occur. The pottery is hand-made, in many grades, from rough brick to the finest 
terra-cotta (the latter in the upper layers), the finer grades being more common in 
north Japan ; occasionally the primitive pottery is covered with a slip of finer clay. 
As a rule the pottery is imperfectly baked. Many of the vessels were made by the 
coiling process. Impressions of coarse textiles are common. The vessels are richly 
ornamented with moulded designs, incised patterns, and so forth ; some of these, as 
Mr. T. A. Joyce (Journ. R. Anthr. Inst., Vol. XLII, " Miscellanea," p. 545) has 
pointed out, strangely recall the pottery fragments that have been unearthed in 
Collingwood Bay, Papua. The people of this period probably lived in light 
shelters during the six months of warm weather, and for the rest of the year in pit 
dwellings. Their food consisted largely of shell-fish and fish ; among land animals 
the remains of boar arid deer are most abundant ; the vegetable food included 
walnuts, chestnuts, etc., probably the wild potato, arrowroot, and bracken were eaten, 
but as yet no grain has been discovered. Concerning the vexed question of the 
practice of cannibalism as suggested by the finding of broken human bones mingled 
with those of other animals, Dr. Munro says : " I think they can best be explained 
" by the conclusion that anthropophagy had lingered on in a fitful and attenuated 
" degree, perhaps associated with religious ritual, into the era which produced the 
" neolithic shelhnounds, but that general cannibalism had lapsed before their 
'' formation." The clay images afford evidence of the dress and methods of hair- 
dressing and tatooing ; among other trinkets there is found for the first time the 
mayatama, or curved jewel, a name possibly derived from maga (curved) and the 
archaic Japanese or Yamato word tume (a talon). The author agrees with D. Sato 
and S. Sato in recognising a similarity between the designs on the pottery of these 
early folk and the patterns of the Ainu, though Professor Tsuboi maintains that they 
are fundamentally different. 

There is a type of pottery widely distributed from north to south which was 
not turned on a wheel ; it is generally known as Yayoishki, or Yayoi style, but 
Dr. Munro proposes to call it chukan, or intermediate. The character of the paste 
varies, and resembles the finer grades of the primitive pottery rather than the 
sepulchral pottery of the Yamato ; none of it attains the hardness of stoneware. It 
is often marked externally and sometimes internally with scored lines made by 
combs ; there is little attempt at moulded decoration. In shape this pottery is 
said to approximate to the Malay. The total absence of the primitive pottery 
from Yamato tombs with the occasional presence of the intermediate is highly 

Indications exist that a bronze culture intervened in the south between the stone 
and iron phases. Bronze swords, halberds, and arrow-heads are found in the soil, as 

[ 10 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 6. 

well as bronze bells and moulds. Tbese do not occur in sites of tbe stone culture, 
nor iu Yamato tombs. 

Japanese historians and archaeologists speak of a " Yamato race," at all events 
tlie "country of the Yamato," as mentioned in the Chinese records of the third 
century A.D., was the seat of a dominant authority iu ancient Japan. The term 
may be retained with advantage to extend to the historic period proper, which opens 
about the beginning of the eighth century A.D. The influx of the Yamato began 
between 1000 and 500 B.C. The main feature of this culture was iron, though in 
the earlier phases, probably before the formation of the great " dolmens," bronze 
implements were employed. The large oval bronze bells, which do not occur in 
Yamato tombs, are of similar design to those used in China during the Chou Dynasty 
(1122-225 B.C.). The Yamato swords are all of iron, but the bronze sword may have 
been in use at a period not far removed from the commencement of dolmen- 
building. Stone sarcophagi are very numerous, they have outlasted wooden coffins 
and outnumber the more fragile terra-cotta sarcophagi. Cists were made of stone 
slabs or of cobbles, and occasionally were excavated in the rock and covered with 
a single stone slab or several slabs. The true dolmen " is not commonly found. It 
" may be questioned whether it is not rather the product of a special environment. 
"... When we see in the north of the Kwanto dolmens of the most primitive con- 
" struction, existing side by side with stone chambers of highly finished masonry, 
" under circumstances which suggest contemporaneous construction, we may be 
" assured that the type furnishes little or no criterion as to age." In the vast 
majority of cases they are orientated to the south. In his well-known memoir on 
" The Dolmens and Burial Mounds in Japan " (Archceologia, LV., 1897), Professor 
Gowland says : '' The ' cromlech,' i.e., a huge, flattish stone resting on three stones 
" set upright, of which we have so many examples in Great Britain, is not repre- 
" sented in Japan excepting where a group of dolmens has been long used as a 
" quarry for building-stones " (p. 445). In common with other writers on Japanese 
archaeology, Dr. Munro classes " under the * dolmen ' all stone chambers with mega- 
" lithic roofs and portals"; the form may consist of (1) a simple chamber or gallery, 
(2) a chamber with a gallery, or (3) a series of chambers with a gallery. Some are 
elaborate and imposing constructions. " The dolmen, seldom found exposed in Japan, 
" if we except the island of Iki, has originally been always covered by a mound." 
Cists and sarcophagi frequently occur in tumuli and occasionally in cairns of stones. 
The burial cave is generally a single chamber of oblong form with a vaulted or 
flattened ceiling. There is no evidence that objects buried in a grave were purposely 
broken. The great bulk of the pottery is hard earthenware (iwaibe), copied from 
Korean ware. Probably this was reserved for ceremonial or religious purposes, as 
several kinds of unglazed terra-cotta ware, presumably for everyday use, also occur. 
Sometimes the iwaibe is hard enough to be called stoneware. The vessels were 
always turned, most were not properly glazed, the decoration was simple and 
restrained, and practically destitute of high relief. The social life and certain aspects 
of the material culture of the Yamato is depicted in the Kojihi and Nihongi. These 
books are of great value, as there has been no serious manipulation of the docu- 
ments since the date of their original publication in the early part of the eighth 
century A.L>. 

Archaeologists and ethnologists are under a deep debt of gratitude to Dr. Munro 
for the great labour and zeal he has bestowed on this book. It is a happy combina- 
tion of original research and a gleaning of the investigations of native savants. For 
the first time it is possible for the European student to get a clear grasp of the 
details and problems of Japanese archaeology. The book is profusely illustrated and, 
though some of its half-tone blocks are not quite so good as they might be, the 

Nos, 6-8.] MAN. [1914. 

great majority of the illustrations show all the necessary detail, and it must have 
been no small task to take the photographs or to collect them from various sources. 
Thev cover in an admirable manner the whole field of the text. A. C. HADDON. 

Africa : Linguistics. Meinhof. 

Die Sprachen der Hamiten. By Carl Meinhof. Hamburg Kolonial-institut T 
(Abhandl. Bd. IX), 1912. Pp. xvi + 256. Price 12 M. I 

Following in the footsteps of Westermann, who has endeavoured to set forth 
the characteristics of Soudanese (negro) languages and show their distribution, 
Meinhof now turns from the Bantu field, and in the present work discusses seven 
languages, Fula, Hausa, Schilh, Bedauye, Somali, Masai, and Nama (Hottentot), 
which he regards as Hamitic. 

The title of the work at once arrests the attention as a somewhat curious one ; 
the languages of the Hamites are obviously not necessarily the same thing as the 
Hamitic languages, though the author argues that in the cases he has chosen the 
terms are synonymous. 

It is, however, clear that not only may a tribe of one linguistic family take 
over a language of an entirely alien type, but a language of one type may be so 
modified by contact with another type as to be in the end indistinguishable from it. 
To take an example from a different field, Akunakuna, on the Cross River, is, 
I think, undoubtedly a West-Soudanese language, but some dialects are adopting 
prefixes and indicating number by change of prefix, exactly like the Cross River 
languages such as Okuni, which have also assonance of the adjective, but not, in 
other respects, a syntax characteristic of Bantu. A second case from the same area 
is also instructive ; I was recording a Yala vocabulary, but had not got far before 
its abnormal character struck me ; for Yala is clearly a West-Soudanese language, 
yet my informant was indicating number by prefix change, and adjectives showed 
some tendency towards assonance ; it turned out that Yala was the language of his 
mother, bnt not of his father, who was an Ekoi. 

We must, therefore, everywhere reckon with contact metamorphosis, and with 
our present slight knowledge of many Soudanese and Hamitic languages, it seems 
premature to begin classifying them wholesale, as is necessary before maps of the 
kind appended to this volume can be produced. The controversy raised by 
Westermann's separation of Dinka and Bari shows how far AVC are from universal 

Space does not permit me to give a general survey of this interesting volume, 
but one point may be suggested to the author ; in Fula we find (a) suffixes as the 
oldest method of classifying nouns ; (6) a prefix, perhaps Z, which divided nouns 
into person- and thing-denoting ; (c) the newest system, also a prefix, n, classifying 
them into small and great ; of these, (i) is not quite universal ; (c) which is, according 
to Meinhof, the germ of gender, is infrequent. If this is so, is it not possible that 
there may be pre- or proto-Hamitic languages without the third or even the second 
mode of classification ? N. W. T. 

America, South. Church. 

Aborigines of South America. By the late Colonel George Earl Church. O 
London. Chapman and Hall, Ltd., 1912. U 

Although this book has been edited with great care and judgment, it would 
have been very different had the author lived to complete it and to add more of 
the touches from his own observation and experience that here and there brighten 
the pages with actuality. It contains much raw material of excellent quality, the 
fruit of wide reading and research combined with perhaps unsurpassed personal 

[ 12 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 8. 

knowledge of races and localities of South America ; the habitat and customs of 
almost all the known tribes between the Equator and Patagonia are mentioned, and 
there are full historical accounts of the Spanish period. 

Colonel Church begins by describing the physical condition of South America 
as it must have been for many thousands of years, during the existence of the 
Panipean sea, the Mojos lake, and the Amazon sea. " These covered an aggregate 
" area of about 1,115,000 square miles, separating the continent into two divisions, 
" the Brazilian and Andean. The inhabitants of each must have had a distinctive 
" ethnological development, for communication was barred by 400 miles of water. 
u One land link alone, lying east and west between 17 and 19 South Latitude, 
" connected the two parts and served as an inter-tribal bridge." At the same time 
a great lake, much larger than Lake Superior, occupied part of the Andean plateau. 
The present Lake Titicaca is not a tenth of the former size, and its desiccation still 
continues. " The north-east trade winds, after crossing the Guayanas and Northern 
" Brazil, now beat themselves dry against the eastern flanks of the Andes, but 
" when they were re-saturated from the Amazon sea and Mojos lake, and again 
" from Titicaca, they must have carried sufficient moisture to fertilize not alone the 
" Andean region, but, in connection with the Pampean sea, the great north-western 
" deserts of Argentina, and the arid belt of the Pacific coast, thus making the 
" whole of Peru, Bolivia, and the Atacama districts of Chile and Argentina a 
4< delightful and fruitful habitat." 

The western portion of an attractive region, now forming the States of Parana, 
Santa Catharina, Rio Grande do Sal, Misiones and Paraguay appears to have been 
the cradle of the Caraio race, and their language is still spoken there in greatest 
purity. At the time of the Conquest they had spread over the greater part of that 
area and also the whole Atlantic slope of Brazil. The first Spaniards who met 
these people on the river Paraguay, found them with an abundance of food, including 
maize and other products of cultivation, domestic animals and birds, and also cotton 
for weaving. Ethnologists now call the Caraios " Tupi-Guarani," a misnomer, like 
the names given to many other tribes. The early missionaries heard the name 
Tupi commonly used, but it means " primarily, paternal uncle, and secondarily, 
" companion and fellow-countryman." Guarani means "a great brave, a grand 
man," and wherever the Caraios went, they were treated as superiors by the other 
aborigines. Not only were they valiant in war ; they had the maritime instinct, 
and in canoes which held eighty or one hundred warriors and provisions for a long 
voyage, they explored and traded along the coasts of Venezuela and Colombia, round 
the Gulf of Mexico, to Florida and the Antilles. They had certain leaders 
called Caraibes, who were held in the greatest reverence as Pages or Payes 

The physical characteristics of the Caraios vary considerably in different parts of 
the continent. The Guarani (Caraios) are described (p. 49) as round-headed, the face 
almost circular, nose and chin short, lips rather thin, eyebrows well-arched, and eyes 
small and expressive. They average in height about 5 feet 6 inches, but the women 
" could not be more massive, broad, and short." In chapters devoted to other regions 
we come on the Caraios again ; in South-western Amazonia D'Orbigny found them 
as Guarayos, in the immense forests at about 17 S. Lat. There they are of such 
a light yellow colour that " there is little difference between them and a slightly 
" brown white man." In character they are " the type of goodness, affability, 
" frankness, and honesty," hospitable, good fathers and good husbands. Another 
Caraio tribe known as the Sirionos (p. 117) make bows 7 feet or 8 feet in length, and 
great strength is required to bend them. To do this the Indian lies on the ground, 
places both feet against the bow, and draws the cord with both hands, thus launching 

[ 13 ] 

No. 8.] MAN. [1914. 

the arrow with tremendous force. The Muras (p. 137) use bows nearly 9 feet long, 
bending them in the same way. 

The Chiriguanos, too, were Caraios or Carlo, according to Suarez de Figueroa, 
who wrote in 1586. He said that Chiriguano meant mestizo children of the Guarani 
by women of other Indian nations. They live in small villages a short distance 
apart, usually on high ground near streams. The houses are kept scrupulously clean, 
and contain cane bedsteads, a few hamacs, and a good supply of pots, water jugs, 
and huge jars of rough earthenware. Colonel Church relates that in 1872 he met 
a band of 200 Chiriguano warriors, and had nowhere seen on the western continent 
men of such fine physique and manly bearing, except perhaps among the Sioux. 
" Cuiia, or woman, is a terrible appellation among them." It is a curious fact that this 
word was used a few years ago as an offensive epithet by the common little Mexican 
village boys, and sometimes by one man to another. 

The Caraios grouped all the inland tribes not of their own race as Tapuy or 
Tapuya, meaning " those who fly the villages," and recent investigations show that 
these numerous tribes are related ethnographically and physically. They are a 
dolichocephalous people, and in colour, habits, ceremonies, and language differ widely 
from the Caraios. Many authors agree in describing their Mongol appearance. They 
were nomads without habitations or agricultural pursuits, except in rare instances, 
and are said to have held the whole coast from the mouth of the Plata to the 
Amazon, and 200 leagues up the latter, before the Caraios drove them inland. 

South-western Amazonia, west of the upper Madeira and Gnapore, and south-east 
of the Madre de Dios, is one of the most interesting regions of South America, both 
geographically and ethnologically. A multitude of tribes has passed over it, leaving 
remnants which formed fresh combinations, to be the despair of the student of linguistics 
and of the Jesuit fathers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Padre Fernandez, 
writing in 1726, says there was an extraordinary variety of tongues, each group of 
cabins having an absolutely different and difficult language. At that time there was 
an endeavour to make all the Indians learn the Chiquito language, but the grammar 
was terribly difficult and the elaboration of the verbs was incredible. This is also 
the case with the verbs of the Cora in Mexico, described by Dr. Preuss, and those 
of the Dene, on which Pere Morice has written. 

The peculiar character of the Amazon basin is shown by the statement (p. 156), 
that a great area at a distance of more than 25 degrees of Latitude from the mouth 
of the river (about where the lines of 75 W. Long, and 5 S. Lat. intersect), still 
averages only 300 feet above sea-level. An interesting description is given of the 
expedition of Salinas Loyola in 1557 down the Santiago river, through the rapids of 
the Maranon to the Ucayali, and up that river more than 100 leagues to the Cocamas 
tribe, who had large, well-formed towns on the banks. The people were kindly, well- 
clad in cotton garments finely painted in elegant patterns, wore feathers and gold 
and silver ornaments, including plates on their breasts. They paid great respect to 
their chiefs, had food in abundance, and more beautiful earthenware than any ever 
seen. They occupied 70 leagues of the river, and 50 leagues beyond were the 
Pariaches ; this was also a land of good towns on the river, with inhabitants of 
pleasant, intelligent appearance, who wore cotton cloth much painted and worked, 
and gold and silver ornaments brought from elsewhere, there being no precious metals 
in that country. Still further was another " province," where Salinas asked about 
Tcatara, of which he had been hearing. He was told that it was Cuzco of Peru, 
and Indians were brought Avho had been there and could describe that city. It was, 
however, impracticable to navigate further at that time, and he retraced his route. 

In addition to the copious extracts from early writers, this valuable work is a 
mine of information on the customs, festivals, religion, and physical characteristics 

'[ 14 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos. 8-9. 

of the various tribes, whose names appear on the accompanying map. A bibliography 
would be a desirable addition. A. C. B. 

Sardinia : Primitive Religion. Pettazzoni. 

La Religions Primitiva in Sardcgna. By Raffaele Pettazzoni. Pp. 250, 1912. fl 

The first part of this extremely interesting and suggestive book is devoted U 
to the description of certain archaeological remains found in Sardinia, and the careful 
examination of all the texts of ancient writers that refer to these monuments and to 
the practices of the Sardinians. The second part discusses, from the comparative 
standpoint^ the beliefs which the author deduces from these. The inhabitants, ancient 
and modern, of the Mediterranean basin and of North Africa, and those of other parts 
of the world, including Australia, come under consideration ; for the author lays stress 
on the similarity in the beliefs in a supreme being among the black-fellows of the 
Antipodes and the early Sardinians. 

It is interesting to note that the Sardinians at the present day still heat water 
by dropping stones into it, as do the Australians ; unfortunately, we are not told whether 
wooden vessels are still in use in Sardinia. The comparison between the beliefs of 
the " proto-Sardinians " and certain tribes of North Africa is, however, of greater 
interest, as among them all the same Libyan [Hamitic] blood, or at least its influence, 
may be traced. 

The principal features of the primitive Sardinian religion were the cult of the dead, 
associated with the practice of incubation, and a water cult, associated with ordeals, 
and belief in the curative power of water. Besides this there was the worship of a 
supreme deity, Sardus Pater. The " tombs of the giants " were group graves and were 
sacred to the spirits of dead heroes, the ancestors of the tribe. In these buildings 
the bodies lay crouched as in sleep, and in the semi-circular vestibule which led to 
these tombs the Sardinians slept, in order to communicate with the heroic dead. This 
incubation of the Sardinians, according to the author, had a direct healing effect, and 
was not a device to obtain a vision, as it was among the Greeks and the Nasamoneans 
of Northern Africa. 

Solinus, who lived in the third century A.D., records that certain thermal springs 
have miraculous healing powers, especially with regard to the eyes and broken limbs ; 
further, that when a man suspected of theft washes his eyes in these springs, if he 
is innocent his sight improves, but if guilty he becomes blind. He also asserts that 
in the country where there are no springs the rain-water is stored in reservoirs. 
Now, certain circular-domed temples are found throughout Sardinia which Signer 
Pettazzoni associates with this water cult. Each has a tank sunk in the floor in 
which the sacred water was stored. These same temples were sacred to the high god 
Sardus Pater. In the vestibules tables have been found into which votive offerings 
were fixed. These are in the form of bronze figurines of animals and men, but most 
interesting of all are those which Signor Pettazzoni describes as iperantropico, i.e. 
human figures, each with two pairs of eyes and arms. The author does not consider 
these to be gods, or deified heroes, nor must they be regarded as monstrosities, but 
rather " as a 'simple abnormal accentuation of some human element, a hyperanthropy. 
" That is t6 say, that in them the abnormality is limited and subordinated to the 
" normal. The limitation is quantitive, the number of extra elements is not unlimited ; 
" on the contrary, it is exactly double the normal (four eyes, four arms). The limita- 
" tion is also qualitative, for the duplication is only applied to the eyes and arms 
" the rest of the figure is perfectly normal." 

Referring to Solinus on the curative powers of the waters and effect of the ordeal, 
Signor Pettazzoui says : 

"This extraordinary increase in the power of sight, which was at the same time 

[ 15 ] 

Nos. 9-10.] MA.N. [1914, 

u freedom from evils and a demonstration of innocence, this chief moment in the 
religious life of the Sardinians loaded with physical pain and moral anxiety, found 
its plastic expression in an ingenious form of primitive art and gave birth to 
hyperanthropic ideas. 

" There is no doubt that each one of these cernit cJarius. They are in fact 
figures of warriors, who, in Ihe famous sanctuary in the heart of the island, amid the 
silence of the rocks, had implored grace of the divinity, offering as a votive gift their 
own images exalted by supernatural virtue." 

It is suggested that a bronze figure of a woman with a child found near South 
Vittoria may be the votive offering of a woman tried for adultery. The idea is 
ingenious, but if the bronze figurines are to be regarded as the votive offerings of 
those who have undergone moral or physical suffering, especially of those who have 
suffered from their eyes or whose bones have been injured (solidant ossa fracta, 
Solinus') might we not expect the number of legs occasionally to be doubled with 
like significance ? 

By comparison with the Nasamoneans, the troglodyte Megabari. and the present-day 
Tuareg, Signor Pettazzoni traces the descent of the proto -Sardinians from a race who 
had settled along the north coast of Africa and spread northward into the Mediterranean 
islands. Their route is marked by dolmens, which are also found in the Western Sudan. 
Moreover, Signor Pettazzoni sees Mediterranean influence in the ordeals so commonly 
practised on the Guinea Coast. 

In conclusion, I would point out that the head-dress of Sardus Pater on coins of the 
first century B.C. shows a certain resemblance to those of the Philistine captives at 
Medinet Habu. It must also be noted that in this work the word animismo is not used 
in the sense in which animism is generally understood in this country, but rather to 
signify a cult of the spirits of the dead. B. Z. S. 


The Mythic Society of Bangalore, South India, was founded in October, 411 
1909, under the patronage of His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore, with the IU 
object of stimulating interest in the History, Ethnology, and Religions of South India. 
Its Quarterly Journal has published papers dealing with " The History of South India," 
" India at the Dawn of the Christian Era," " Life in Ancient India at the Time of 
the Jataka Stories," " Numismatics, with Special Reference to South India," and 
" The History and Commerce of the Indian Ocean " ; " Suggestions for the Study 
of Caste," "The Evil Eye," " Perungali Vettuvans," " Sraddhas," and "Funeral 
Ceremonies of the Vaishnava Brahmans " ; " Serpent Worship," " The Original Idea 
of Sacrifice," " The Brahmanic Systems of Religion and Philosophy " ; and notes 
on Public Festivals, Stone Barrows, Hook-swinging, Fire-walking, and kindred 
subjects. The Journal is illustrated with excellent plates and maps, and is issued 
quarterly, post free, at the extremely modest price of Rs. 3 (four shillings) per annum, 
a fee which covers membership also. 

Local enterprise of this sort deserves encouragement. The more costly publica- 
tions, which deal with all India, usually contain much material that is of little or 
no interest to the " man on the spot." The Mythic Society seeks to promote 
intensive local study and local specialisation. The journal may be obtained from 
the Hon. Treasurer, G. H. Krumbiegal, Esq., Lai Bagh, Bangalore, S. India. 

Societies of this kind deserve all the support and encouragement which the 
Institute can give them, and are destined to play a useful and an important part in 
the collection of ethnological data. 

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODB, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 


MAX, 1914. 









1914.] MAN. [Nos. 11-12. 

Bactria : Bronze Age. With Plate B. Read. 

A Bactrian Bronze Ceremonial Axe. By Sir C. Hercules Read. 44 

An example of a ceremonial (or perhaps votive) axe obtained in the 1 1 
N.W. Provinces of India, and recently added to the collections of the British Museum, 
is so remarkable from several points of view that it may serve a good purpose to 
bring it before the readers of MAX. 

The design of the axe is singular, and a mere description could hardly convey 
a clear impression to the reader ; the illustration will, however, supplement the 
inadequacy of the words. From the Plate it will be seen that the axe is entirely 
composed of the figures of three animals, a boar, a tiger, and an ibex. The cutting 
edge is formed of the back of the first, which is attacking the tiger, who is turning 
a remonstrant head while he grips with his fore paws the flanks of a crouching 
ibex, who is also "regardant." Below the bodies of the two last are the flanges that 
form the opening for the handle of the weapon, which did not pass through the 
axe, but was held in position by two rivets, the holes for which are clearly seen in 
the illustration. That it was never intended for active use is clear from the entire 
inadequacy of the edge. It is evident that the back of the boar could cut nothing, 
and that the maker had no intention that it should cut, for to grind or hammer the 
edge to a practicable state would entirely destroy the admirable modelling of the 
body of the boar. Hence the reasonable deduction that the object had a votive 
or ceremonial purpose. Our present very exiguous knowledge of the archaeology of 
Afghanistan in the centuries preceding the Sassanian dynasty does not admit of any 
definite statement of the uses to which an object of this kind might be put, nor 
are we able to interpret the symbolism of the conjunction of these three animals. 

The artist has shown no small amount of ingenuity in making the contours of 
the beasts serve his purpose while preserving the characters of their anatomy. The 
two faces are equally finished and complete, and are fully as satisfactory from the 
artistic standpoint as if the artist had had no end in view but to portray them as 
they stood. It would appear, however, from a comparison with other existing axes 
from the same region that the contour scene in the present specimen is a charac- 
teristic one. Some of these are figured in Archceologia (Soc. Antiq., Lond.) 
Vol. LVIII., page 1, where some unusual types of weapons are dealt with. Among 
these is one which illustrates the present example, and in some ways amplifies it. 
This is an axe from Kerman, in Persia, presented to the British Museum by Major 
P. M. Sykes. In this the animal forms are degraded and almost lost, but a second 
axe of the same find has the beasts standing free and well defined, though by no 
means of the artistic excellence of those on our present example. 

After comparison with the Oxus treasure in the Museum, it seems to me highly 
probable that this is a specimen of the art of Bactria of about the time of Alexander. 
Further discoveries may render this attribution capable of greater precision, and such 
precision can be best attained by publication. C. H. READ. 

Egypt. Murray. 

Evidence for the Custom of Killing the King in Ancient Egypt 4O 

By M. A. Murray. \L 

In Egypt there is no absolutely direct evidence, no definite statement iu so many 

words, that the king was sacrificed, no actual representation in sculpture or painting 

of such a sacrifice. Yet there are many allusions, more or less clear, from literary 

sources some early, some late which, as I hope to prove, show the ceremonial 

survival of that ancient and barbarous usage. 

C 17 ] 

No. 12.] MAN. [1914. 

Dr. Frazer deduced the practice of killing the king from literary sources, from 
legend, and from ceremonial survivals ; a theory not at first received by all, but 
triumphantly confirmed in the end by Dr. Seligmann's discoveries among the Shilluks 
of the Nile Valley. In the same way we may fellow the " converging lines of 
evidence " in ancient Egypt, and possess our souls in patience till the final confirmatory 
proof is found. 

I have divided my subject into five parts : (1) the parallels in neighbouring 
countries ; (2) the meaning of the name Osiris (the identification of the king with 
Osiris being already established) ; (3) the literary evidence from the Pyramid Texts, the 
Book of the Dead, and legends both Egyptian and Arab ; (4) the representations in 
Art, i.e., the Sed-festival and the Drowned Men of Dendur ; and (5) the modern 

(1) For the parallels in neighbouring countries, Dr. Frazer's books are the great 
storehouse. He has shown that the custom of killing the king can be inferred in 
Greece (Athamas) and in Crete, and was known in Babylon, Syria, and Ethiopia. 
These countries either bordered on Egypt or were in close connection with her, so 
close that the Greeks themselves considered their own religion to be derived from 
the Egyptian. Under these circumstances it is not likely that Egypt alone would be 
exempt from a custom common among all her neighbours. 

The case for human sacrifice in Egypt has been abundantly proved, in spite of 
Herodotus's indignant denial that so humane a people could be guilty of such blood- 
thirsty deeds. 

The instance which bears most upon our subject is the sacrifice of harvest 
victims at Eileithiya (El Kab), the primitive kingdom of Upper Egypt. For the 
fundamental idea underlying the sacrifice of the king is the belief that in him the god 
of fertility is incarnate, and that on his health and strength the prosperity and welfare 
of his country are dependent. On the approach of old age, or at the end of a term 
of years, the king had to be put to death, in order that the deity might pass into a 
younger stronger body, and thus never suffer decay or degeneration. The actual 
method of sacrifice varies in different countries ; but in many cases it is followed by 
dismemberment ; the tearing of the body limb from limb in a savage and barbarous 
manner, the pieces being buried in the fields when the victim was human, being 
devoured by the worshippers when the victim was animal. 

(2) The Name of Osiris. In spite of Plutarch's sarcastic remarks on the 
dull souls and vulgar minds who identify Osiris with vegetation, it is only by 
applying this very theory to the cult of Osiris that we are able to understand the 
many aspects of this god. I have shown in my study of Osiris in The Osireion at 
Abydos that the king is the incarnate god, that Osiris is the king and the king is 
Osiris : in other words, that the spirit of fertility is incarnate in the king. This 
view is absolutely confirmed by Professor Erman's researches on the meaning of the 
name Osiris.* The hieroglyphs which form the name are a throne and a human 
eye ; the same throne which appears in the name of Isis. The actual reading of 
this sign is S with a preceding and succeeding vowel ; the following vowel is 
certainly e, the preceding vowel appears to vary, probably according to rules of 
pronunciation. Thus in the name, "Isis," it would be Ise; in Osiris Use. The 
eye reads Yr in this connection Yri ; the throne and the eye together reading 
Usiri. The meaning of Yr is " To do, to make, to occupy " ; in the participle, 
" the doer, the maker, the occupier." Thus we get the meaning of the names, Isis 
or Ise, " She of the throne," " the throne- woman " ; Osiris, or Usiri, " the occupier of 
the throne," in other words the king. 

* Zeitschrift fur Aegyptiscke Sjirache, 1909. p. 92. 
[ 18 ] 

1914,] MAN. [No. 12. 

Having reached this point of the identification of the king with the great god 
of Egypt, we turn to the legends of the death of Osiris. The consecutive accounts 
are those of Diodorus and Plutarch (De. Iside et Osiride). In Plutarch's dramatic 
story Osiris was treacherousl} 7 murdered by being shut up in a wooden chest, which 
was then thrown into the Nile ; Diodorus does not mention the manner of death. 
Plutarch drags in, after the murder, an episode which has nothing to do with the 
story of Osiris, but expresses the fact that an interval elapsed between the death 
and the next event, which was the tearing of the body in pieces and the scattering 
of them broadcast over Egypt, z.e., over the cultivated land. Jsis searched for 
the fragments, collecting and joining them together, and thus caused Osiris to rise 

There are two special points to notice : first, that Osiris practically met his 
death in the water ; second, the dismemberment of the body. 

(3) The Literary Evidence. What little literary evidence remains in Egyptian 
records concerning the death of Osiris, points to its having been effected by water. 
It is unfortunately of late date. 

In a stela of the Persian period, about the 6th or 5th century B.C. (now in 
the British Museum), the cemetery of Memphis is said to have been called Ankh- 
Taui, "Life of the Two Lands" (the name is significant) "because of the fact that 
" Osiris was drowned in its waters."* In another late text, the so-called Lamenta- 
tions of Isis, the goddess describes her journey in search of Osiris, " I have traversed 
" the seas to the confines of the earth, seeking the place where my lord is ... 
" I have sought him who is in the water ; I have found the Drowned One." 

In the legend, Menes, the first historic king of Egypt, was killed by a hippo- 
potamus according to Manetho, carried into safety by a crocodile according to 
Diodorus. Here we appear to have a faint echo of the sacrifice of the primitive 
kings by water ; the water itself being symbolised by one of the destructive 

For dismemberment there is much evidence from literary sources ; a few quota- 
tions will suffice. In the earliest hieroglyphic texts, those inscribed inside the 
pyramids of the 6th dynasty kings, dismemberment is continually mentioned. In the 
inscription of Unas, the earliest, there is an invocation to various goddesses, 
" O Neith, O Ani, O Urt-hekau, O Urt, O Nesert, cause that Unas be cut in 
" pieces as thou (fern.) art cut in pieces." In the inscriptions of Teta and Pepy, 
" O Teta, thou hast received thy head, thou hast collected thy bones, thou hast 
" united thy limbs." And of a goddess it is said " She gives to thee thy head, 
" she unites for thee thy bones, she joins for thee thy limbs, she brings to thee 
" thy heart in thy body." " Pepy Neferkara, leader of the gods, equipped as a 
" god, he has gathered his bones like Osiris." 

Again in the Book of the Dead the religious texts in use from the 18th to 
the 26th dynasties there occur the words, " On the night of the Great Mystery, 
" the thigh, and the head, and the backbone, and the leg of Unnefer are on the 
" coffin." 

Bs tktk 


"I am a prince, son of a prince, fire, son of fire; to whom was given his 

" head after it had been cut off" (ch. 43) ; the rest of this chapter is occupied 

with the identification of the deceased with Osiris, for at this time all the dead 

were identified with the god of the dead. Therefore the dismemberment, of which the 

* Zeitschrtft fur Aegyptixche Spractie, 1901, p. 41. 

[ 19 ] 

No, 12.] MAN. [1914. 

Book of the Dead constantly speaks, is probably an echo of that early time when 
Osiris in the person of the king was torn in pieces, and the fragments scattered 

The Arab legends of the ancient kings of Egypt mention the disappearance of 
two kings, Kalkoum ben Khariba, and Misram ben Naqraush, the latter being the 
seventh in a direct line from Adam. These legends would appear to preserve the 
ancient tradition of the divine spirit leaving the world. 

(4) We now come to the representations in Art. It must be remembered that 
in many countries the actual killing of the king was, as civilisation advanced, often 
not enforced. If a human victim were required, the king's place might be taken 
by a volunteer, or a criminal might be pressed into the service. Sometimes a 
religious ceremonial took the place of the actual sacrifice ; and sometimes the reli- 
gious ceremonial and the sacrifice of the substitute might be contemporary. 
Dr. Frazer has collected so many instances all over the world that I need not do 
more than mention this and pass on to the examples in ancient Egypt. 

First, then, for the human substitute. Here we get no help from art till 
Roman times. The temple of Dendur in Nubia, built under Augustus, is dedicated 
to two deified men, named respectively Petese and Pi-hor, who met their death 
by drowning. There are two significant facts which are brought out clearly in 
the sculptured reliefs. In the scenes of the worship the deified men are represented, 
sometimes with the insignia of royalty, sometimes with the insignia of Osiris. Where 
they are shown as kings the inscription speaks of them as " The Drowned " ; where 
they are represented as Osiris they are called P-shai, or Agathodaimon. We can, I 
think, only conclude that these men were sacrificed as kings, as the incarnations of 
Osiris, the spirit of fertility. 

The ceremonial is, perhaps, less easy of proof. The great royal ceremony, the 
one celebrated with most pomp and circumstance was not the coronation as one 
might expect, but the Sed-festival. The meaning of the Sed-festival has been 
greatly obscured by the earlier Egyptologists, who looked upon it as purely calen- 
drical, occurring every thirty years when the shifting calendar had lost a week. This 
theory being proved untenable, another theory was advanced that it was the thirtieth 
anniversary of the king's accession ; and this theory in a modified form is still held 
by many Egyptologists, the Sed-festival being considered by them as the thirtieth 
anniversary of the king's appointment as crown prince. It is, however, worth 
notmg that almost every king who erected temples or decorated them on any large 
scale, represented himself in the Sed-festival (and in cases where he cannot have 
had thirty years for heir and king), or that Rameses II. had six Sed-festivals. 

The points to be observed in scenes of the Sed-festival are these : (1) the king 
is the principal figure, always represented as Osiris ; (2) before him is carried the 
figure of Up-uaut, the Opener of the Ways, the Jackal-god of Siut who appears to 
have been a god of death ; (3) the royal daughter, seated in a litter, is the most 
important figure after the king ; (4) and in most instances there are one or more 
running or dancing men. 

This presence of the royal daughter and the running men is due to the scene 
being one of marriage. We must bear in mind that the throne of Egypt went in 
the female line. This is very clear wherever we have sufficient data to enable us 
to trace genealogies with any accuracy. The king was not necessarily royal, but he 
became the legal ruler by marriage with the heiress. To put it shortly, the queen 
was queen by right of birth, the king was king by right of marriage. We can 
see, then, that the marriage of the queen's daughter, the princess who was the 
heiress, was an event of the utmost importance. The dancing men were probably 
the suitors for her hand ; but whether the dance was a contest before marriage or 

[ 20 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 12. 

a fertility dance after marriage is uncertain. From the fact that in the representa- 
tion of the Sed-festival of the Xllth dynasty (found by Professor Petrie at Memphis), 
the king dances alone before Min, the god of generation, it would seem to be a 
fertility dance to promote the increase and welfare of the crops, animals, and people 
of his kingdom. 

The figure on the throne is evidently that of the king, the reigning king. On 
the mace-head of Narrner, the earliest representation of the Sed-festival, the king is 
on a throne under a canopy, he holds the insignia of Osiris, and he is clothed in 
the long tight-fitting robe which is characteristic of the mummiform Osiris. He is 
essentially Osiris, the Occupier of the Throne. We can hardly suppose that he is 
represented here merely as blessing the union of the princess who is perhaps not 
his own daughter with his successor. On the contrary, the grim idea is forced 
upon us that the appointment of the new king was coincident with the death of the 
old, and that in the Sed-festival we have the two events combined in one great 

Taking this view of the Sed-festival we obtain an explanation of some of the 
obscure points concerning it. The key to some of these puzzles is to my mind 
the descent in the female line. If the king ruled only by right of marriage with 
the heiress, what took place if she died first ? was he put to death ? did he abdicate ? 
And as the mortality of women in childbirth has always been great, we can imagine 
that this difficulty must have constantly presented itself. One solution was the 
marriage of the king with the next heiress ; and this is apparently what happened 
to Rameses II. His six Sed-festivals probably represent six marriages ; we know 
for certain that he was married four times ; first to a lady, probably his sister, and 
then to three of his daughters in succession. Another solution of the difficulty 
appears to have been arrived at in the Xllth dynasty in the numerous co-regencies 
which occur at that period. 

But the Sed-festival is only concerned secondarily with the princess ; its primary 
reason, its principal figure, is the Osirified king, before whom is borne in procession 
the Jackal-god of death. This combination points to the original meaning of the 
ceremony, the sacrifice of the king as the incarnate deity of fertility. 

This aspect of the Sed-festival is borne out by the inscription on the obelisk 
of Senusert I at Heliopolis, which was erected to commemorate his Sed-festival. 
The phrasing is very significant. After the titles and names of the king come 

the words 

sp tpi sd-hb (and this is the important piece) 

yr-f dy ankh zt. Taking this last phrase as a temporal 

clause, which from its position it might well be, and translating yr as the unin- 
flected passive, the whole sentence would read, " The first time of the Sed-festival, 
" when he is made (to be) gifted with life for ever." The inscriptions also on the 
scenes of Osorkon's Sed-festival at Bubastis carry on the same idea (I quote from 
Breasted's translation), " the appearance of the king in the temple of Amou and the 

(/w\ o \ 
""^ . J of the Two Lauds by the king, 

' the protection of the sacred women of the house of Amon, and the protection 
" of all the women of his city." The inscription seems to me to show clearly 
that the object of the festival was the promotion of fertility. If, as I suppose, the 
ceremony was also a substitute for the actual sacrifice, a renewing of the divine 
spirit within the king, we should expect its periodical occurrence ; and this may 
account for the fact that in quite late times it certainly does seem to occur at 
definite intervals. 

[ 21 ] 

No. 12.] MAN. [1914. 

The Arab legend given by Maqrizi is perhaps an echo from ancient time*, 
containing the tradition not only of the Sed-festival but also of the still earlier and 
more savage ceremony of the actual sacrifice of the king. " Misram, son of Naqraush, 
" disappeared from the eyes of men for thirty years. He then appeared upon a 
" throne enriched with all manner of ornaments, and in an alarming array, which 
" filled all hearts with terror ; his subjects prostrated themselves before him and 
" adored him. Misram caused a feast to be prepared for them, and they ate and 
" drank ; after which he ordered them to return to their homes and was never seen 
" again."* 

In connection with some of the ceremonies of the Sed-festival, I must mention 
in passing the curious object to which Professor Petrie has called attention in the 
representation of the Sed-festival of the Xllth dynasty found at Memphis. In the 
scenes of a later period this object is represented as a scorpion (or at any rate it 
is often so drawn by the modern copyist). But in the Xllth dynasty it is 
undoubtedly the upper part of a headless human body. Professor Petrie sees in it 
the remains, the actual dried body, of a primitive king, probably one who was sacri- 
ficed ; and it is certainly significant that in later representations the arms are decorated 
with the " Ankh " the sign of life, that it is supported on the emblem of long 
duration of life, and that it occurs in connection with the emblem of Osiris. The 
work I have already done with Dr. Seligmann on this strange figure leads me to 
suppose that Professor Petrie is right, but as yet I have no actual proofs to offer ; 
for the subject still requires a great amount of careful study. 

(5) We now come to the survivals in modern times. I need hardly enlarge on 
the sacrifice of the Shilluk kings. In some ways the Shilluk religion appears to 
retain traces of the ancient Egyptian religion ; whether derived from Egypt through 
the priests of Ethiopia, or whether it is part of the same primitive religion still 
preserved down to our own times it is not yet possible to say. But the sacrifice of the 
Shilluk king is proof positive that the natives of the Nile Valley believed the king 
to be the incarnate deity, the author of all life and fertility. 

The extraordinary reverence in which the modern Egyptian, democratic as all 
Mahommedans are, holds the Khedive, is perhaps the remains of the old belief in the 
divinity of the Pharaoh. 

But the most striking survival is one witnessed by Kluuzinger in 1867 or there- 
abouts. On the Coptic New Year's Day, the day of High Nile, every town and 
village chose for itself a Lord of Misrule, whom they called Abu Nerus, Father 
of the New Year. For three days he was vested with supreme power, and for those 
three days he was dressed in a tall cap, a long beard made of flax, and a peculiarly 
shaped garment, and he carried a sceptre in his hand. This description irresistibly 
reminds one of the figures of Osiris. At the end of three days he was condemned 
to die, and was actually set on fire, but was always allowed to escape, though his 
clothes, the insignia of his royal office, were consumed by the flames. In this 
ceremony we have the last survival of the custom of killing the king in Egypt. 

I will now run over very shortly the gradual growth of our knowledge of this 
subject. The beginning of this knowledge dates back to the translation of the Greek 
inscription on the Rosetta Stone, where the cycle of thirty years is mentioned 
(Kvpiov TpiaKovraerrjpidcov). Later it was suggested and the suggestion was accepted 
for many years that the festival was the thirtieth anniversary of the king's acces- 
sion ; in 1898 this theory, being found inadequate, Sethe brought forward a good 
deal of evidence to prove it the thirtieth anniversary of the king's appointment as 
crown prince,t This, however, does not cover the fact that Thothmes I. had a 

* Maqrizi, pt. II., ch. 2, Bouriant, Mission Archeologique Franqaixe, XVII. 
j- Zeitschrift fiir Aegyptische Sjjrache, 1898, 64, note 3. 

[ 22 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos. 12-13. 

Sed-festival, though he was never crown-prince and did not reign thirty years ; nor 
that Tut-ankh-amon had a Sed-festival, though the sum of his predecessor's reign 
added to his own does not amount to thirty years. 

The hasis for the prese.nt interpretation of this festival was laid in Frazer's 
first edition of The Golden Bough. The connection of the royal daughter with the 
Sed-festival, of the Jackal-standard with the ostrich-feather of the apotheosis of the 
king, and the appearance of the king as Osiris in the ceremony, was shown by 
Moller in 1901. In 1904 I published a list of festivals dated in different reigns and 
identified the scene on the mace-head of Narmer with the Sed-festival ; in 1905 
Frazer's lectures on the Kingship laid the foundation of a comparative view by 
showing what customs of king killing existed in various countries round Egypt. In 
1905 Petrie brought forward the connection of the Sed-festival of 30 years and 
the Zfenrt-festival of 120 years with the well-known shift of the calendar in a week 
or a month ; he also connected the marriage of the royal daughter with the festival, 
pointed out that the deification of the king as Osiris was the substitute for an earlier 
sacrifice of the king ; and called attention to the survival of king-killing in the 
Coptic Abu Neriis. In 1911 Dr. Seligmann discovered the practice of king-killing 
still in use among the Shilluks of Fashoda. At the beginning of this year Moret 
published his Mysteres Egyptiens, in which he says that the Sed-festival renewed 
for the king bis dignity royal and divine, and that several rites of re-birth can be 
recognised in it (p. 73). He also collects together various instances of the Egyptian 
belief in the Pharaoh's powers over fertility and famine. In the present paper con- 
nections are shown between the drowning of Osiris and the death of the early kings 
and their later substitutes ; it is also pointed out that the several Sed-festivals of 
one king belong to several marriages ; and that traditions of the ceremony still 
remain in mediaeval Arab legends. 

The main questions still to be answered are four : (1) the meaning of the gods 
giving to the king " millions of Sed-festivals," whether implying length of reign, 
frequent royal marriages, or re-incarnation ; (2) whether the thirty-year period was a 
uniform calendar-cycle down to the XlXth dynasty ; (3) whether the twelve-year 
Sed-festival named in the XXIInd dynasty* has the same astronomical basis as the 
twelve-year king-killing festival in India ; (4) what stages the ceremony of the 
prince's marriage and succession went through in different periods. 


Africa, West. Tremearne. 

Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. />// 49 

Major A. J. N. Tremearne, M.A., Dip. Anth. 10 

The marital relations have been explained fully in Hausa Superstitions and 
Customs, but these stories (which could not be included in that book) throw more 
light upon the estimation in which wifely fidelity is held. A Hausa woman is 
supposed to be incapable of upright conduct, and story 1 explains why this is so. 
Any man who imagines that he will be able to keep his wife from adultery is 
considered to be an idiot, and even a chief will encourage his subjects to hold such 
a man up to ridicule. A wife makes no secret of her infidelity, and is quite ready 
to prove it to her husband should he believe her true, even should the proof 
require the act to be committed in the husband's presence. Sometimes the lovers of 
the wives have narrow escapes, and they may have to pay pretty heavily if the 
husband is " sensible," and agrees to trade upon his wife's unlawful amours. The 

* Base of a basalt statue with cartouches of Osorkon II., **"*" ' 
now in the Petrie Collection at University College. 

[ 23 J 

No. 13.] MAN. [1914. 

seduction of a chief's wife is always something to be proud of, a pious wish is 
expressed for its accomplishment. A husband should choose a wife of the same 
class and tribe as himself. 

No. 1. 

wanni malami ya che abinda ya sa mata ta kan yi farraka 

Certain priest he said " Thing which it causes woman she does commit adultery 
sabboda da akahaifeta tana shan mamman* uwanta har 

because since there has been born her she drinks (from) breasts of mother her until 
ta yi wayo wu(r)rin uwan shi ya sa ta ta yi farraka 

she makes cunning with] mother her, this, it causes her she commits adultery." 
wanni kuwa ya che aa anahaifuansu da kirsa derri 

Another, however, he said " No, no, there is being born them in deceit, hundred 
da daya kirsansu shi kuwa ya che aa sabboda 

and one (are) wiles their.' 1 ' 1 He however (the first) he said " No, no, because of 
shan mamma 
suckling.' 1 '' 

da akahaife wota yarmache da yin kukanta sai 

When there had been born another child-woman, on making of cry her, then 
malami wanda ya fara maganna ya che adauko ta adaura ma-su 

priest who he commenced argument, he said to bring her to tie to them 
aure sai akuche to da akawanke ta 

marriage' (knot). So it ivas said "Agreed" When there had been washed her 
achikkin kwotaniya akadaura ma-ta aure auaba ta 

in basin, there was tied to her marriage (knot). There was given her 

nonon akwiya har ta yi wayo da ta yi wayo 

milk of goat until she began to understand. After she had begun to understand 
ta yi girrima har ta zamma buduruwa har ya san 

she grew big until she became maiden (Jit for marriage), at last he knew 
ta mache 

her (as) wife. 

sai dan sa(r)rikin ga(r)ri ya ji labari akache ga wanni malami ya 

Now son of chief of city he heard news, it was said " See certain priest he 
a jj e yariniya a-giddansa tunda baifuwanta ya che ba zata yi 

has kept girl in house his ever since birth her, he said not she will commit 
farraka ba sai dan sa(r)riki ya che to ni zan yi farraka da 
adultery not. Then son of chief he said " Well, I, I will commit adultery with 
ita sai dan sa(r)riki ya hau doki ya hadda kayan addo 

her." So son of chief he mounted horse, he heaped on things of adornment 
ya hadda kayan addo sai ya zo ya bi bayan gidda 

(caparisons) he put on caparisons, then he came, he went to back of compound. 
da ya bi bayan gidda sai ya waso goro ashirin achikki 

When he had come to back of compound, then he threw kola-nuts twenty inside. 
Sai ta tsintsi ita yariniya ta chainye ta boye kirsa 

So she picked (them up), she, girl, she ate (some) she hid (remainder). Guile 
ta fara fitta ke nan 

it began to appear (thus it) was.* 

* Na, -n, and -r all mean " of." 

t i.e., "has begun to understand, being taught by her mother." The usual meaning of yi is 
" make," but there are many others, e.g. ' begin." 

% If the woman accepts the kola-nuts, it is a sign that she is willing to receive the person who 
has given them. If an intermediary is employed, the girl bauds a nut or two back to be given to 
the sender as a sign of assent. 

[ 24 ] 

1914,] MAN. [No. 13. 

Sai dan sa(r)riki ya wuche sai da akakwana u(k)kti 

Then son of chief he went away. But when there had (passed) days three, 
kuma ya komo da ya komo ya sakye wason goro 

however, he returned. When he had returned, he repeated throwing of kolas 
acbikkin gidda sai ta che wanda ya waso goron nan sai na gan 

in compound. Then she said " Who he threiv kolas these, surely I will see 

shi yau sai ta ku(l)la zenne ta ku(l)la zenne bar ashirin ta 

him to-day." So she tied together cloths, she tied together cloths even tiventy, she 
jefa a-katanga sai ta kama zenne sai ta hau sai ta ga 

threw (one end) on wall, then she gripped cloths and she climbed. So she saw 
dan sa(r)riki sai ta che a gobe da malam ya teffi masallache 

son of chief. Then she said "Ah, to-morrow when priest he has gone mosque, 
ka zo sai dan sa(r)riki ya che to 

you co/e." And son of chief he said " Very well." 

sai azzuba ya zo kirran salla nafari malam ya 

When early morning it came (the time of) calling of prayer first, priest he 
teffi masallache ya hadda ma doki kaya da ya 

went mosque, (and so son of chief) he put on horse caparisons. When he 
waso goro ta sa(n)ni shi ne sai ta kama zenne ta hau 

had thrown kolas, she knew he (it) was. So she gripped cloths, she climbed 
katanga sai ta che mi-shi shi shiggo sai ya che a duk da 

wall, and she said to him he should enter. Then he said " What ! both with 
doki sai ta che i sai dan sa(r)riki ya shigga har tsakkan 

horse?" And she said "Yes." So son of chief he entered even middle of 
gidda sai ta che to ka sauka da ya sauka 

compound. Then she said " Now you dismount" When he had dismounted, 
akadauri doki atsakkar gidda shi knwa ya shigga da(i)kiuta 

there was tied up horse in middle of compound, he, however, he entered hut her, 
yana farraka da ita sai giddan malami duk ya haske da 

he was (committing) adultery icith her. Lo ! house of priest whole it shone with 
kayan addon dokin dan sa(r)riki 
caparisons of horse of son of chief. 

sai malam ya komo ya ga kofaton doki har kofan 

Now priest, he returned, he saw hooi/(marks) of horse up to door of 
zaure daya har kofan zaure nabiyu har uau(k)ku ya leka 

entrance-porch one, up to door of entrance-porch second, up to third. He peered, 
ya ga gidda duka ya haske da kayan doki sai ya ga doki 

he saw compound whole it shone with caparisons of horse. Then he saw horse 
atsakkar gidda yana tabariya sai dan sa(r)riki gabbanshi 

in middle of compound, he was prancing. Now son of chief, breast (heart) his 
ya fadi ya ji tsoro ye che enna tsirm enna dubara ita ta che 

it fell, he felt fear, he said " Where (is) cunning, where (is) plan ? " She, she said 
opp achikkin kirsana derri da daya her en yi ma-sa rabbin gu(d)da daya 
"Poof, amongst wiles my hundred and one, let me do to him half of unit one." 
sai ta fitta buf dagga da(i)kiu ta che malam ga bayanka 

Then she bounded out " boof" from hut the, she said, " Priest, see behind you* 
sa(r)riki ya aiko ma-ka da sa(d)dakan doki ba ka koma ka tara 

chief he sent to you present of horse, (will) not you go back, you assemble 
malami ka je ka yi mi-shi aduwa sai malami ya che hakkanau ue 

priests, you go, you do to him homage f " And priest he said " So is (it) 

* After you had gone. 
[ 25 ] 

No, 13.] MAN. [1914. 

kuwa hakkanan ne kuwa sai ya koma baya da ya fitta sai ta 

really ? so is (it) really ? " So he went back. When he had gone, (hen she 
che da dan sa(r)riki ka fitta ka hau dokiuka ka teffi 

said to son of chief, " You go outside, you mount horse your, you go away.' 1 '' 
da fittanshi sai ta dauke tsiutsiya ta share kafaton doki 

On going out his, then she took broom, she swept hooj\marks) of horse, 
inda ya yi gu(r)ribi ta zuba da kura sai gun ya chikka 

wherever it had made hole she threw in dust until hole it filled up. 

sai malami suka tarn suka teffi wu(r)rin sa(r)riki ya che 

Now priests they assembled, they went presence of chief. He (priest} said 
muka zo mu yi ma-ka aduwa ne ya che bayanda na teffi 

" We have come, we may do to you homage (it) is." He said " After that I went 
masallachi ka aiko mi-mi da sa(d)dakan doki angarima duk da kayanshi na 
mosque, you sent to me present of horse, charger, all with caparisons his of 

sarauta na gode ma-ka sa(r)riki ya che ni kuma sai malami ya che 

rank. I (give) thanks to you." Chief he said "/ ?" And priest he said 

opp kai manna ai doki yana nan atsakkan gidda sai 

" What, you, certainly, surely horse he is there in middle of compound." Then 
sa(r)riki ya che ni ban yerda ba na sa ka da fadawa su bi 

chief he said " I not I agree not, I will put you with attendants, they follow 
ka su zo su ga doki malami da fadawa da suka zo gidda 

you they go, they see horse." Priests and attendants when they had come house, 
ko kafaton doki babu sai ya shigga gidda ya kirra yariniya ya che 

even hoof (print) of horse net. Then he entered house, he called girl, he said 
ke enna dokin da na berri atsakkan gidda sai yariniya ta 

" You, ichere horse that I left in middle of compound ? " And girl she 
kama kai ta che wayo malami ya hanka sai ta che du allah ku 

clasped head, she said " Alas ! priest he raves" Then she said " By . God you, do 
kun ga kafaton doki a-gidda sai suka che a a sai malam 

you see hoof (prints) of horse in house 1 ?" And they said "No, no." Then priest 
ya che kai yanzu yanzu na ber doki nan sai fadawa suka che ai 

he said " Ah ! now, now, I left horse here." Then attendants they said " Surely 
kama malam akai shi wu(r)rin sa(r)riki ya hanka 
seize priest bring him presence oj chief, he raves." 

sai akakirra yariniya a-wu(r)rin sa(r)riki sa(r)riki ya tambaye 

But there was summoned girl to presence of chief, chief he asked 
ta ya che zenchen nan na malam gaskiya ne ko ya yi ka(r)riya sai ta che 
her, he said " Tale this of priest, truth is or he tells lie ? " And she said 
gaskiya ne abin da ya sa na yi mi-shi hakkanan don ya yi 
" Truth is, thing ivhich it caused I did to him thus, because he made 
gardamma anche anahaifuwam mu da kirsa ta che 

disagreement (when) it was said there is being born us in deceit." She said 
saboda shi na nuna ina-su ana haifuwam mu da shi 

" On account of it I proved to them there is being born us in it."* 

sai malam ya che to ya tuba sai sa(r)riki ya ber shi suka 

Then priest he said oh, he repented. So chief he released him. They 
teffi gidda suka zamma tana farrakanta abinta 

went home, they lived, she was (committing) adultery her unmolested. 


The girl did not agree witb the mother's milk theory. 
[ 26 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 14. 

Germany : Archseology. Schmidt. 

Die diluvial e Vorzeit Dcutschlands. Von R. R. Schmidt (archiiologischer 41 
Teil), unter Mitwirkung von E. Koken (geologischer Teil) und A. Schliz IT 
(anthropologrscher Teil), mit 50 Tafeln, 140 Text-figuren und 2 Tabellen. Stutt- 
gart, 1912. 

A common objection to the dominant palaeolithic system has been the absence of 
proof that it applied anywhere but in France. Excessive caution, bordering on insular 
prejudice, has stood in the way of our full recognition of Continental results, although 
for at least a part of the period in question Britain was one with France, and conditions 
were approximately the same over the large cretaceous area of northern France and 
south-east England. Reactionary tendencies of this kind will be checked by the 
appearance of Dr. Schmidt's work on the palaeolithic period in Germany, where the 
sequence established in France has now been verified, at least in the south-west. 

These two handsome volumes (for the plates are best bound separately) are 
inspired by the author's own discoveries at Sirgenstein and Ofnet, both sites being 
roughly half-way between Stuttgart and Augsburg ; and they more than realise the 
student's patient expectation of a comprehensive work on the early Stone Age of 
Germany. All but the very early periods are here represented on a scale that throws 
into relief the characteristics of the various stages of culture now generally recognised 
in the older Stone Age, and by a happy thought a few plates representing the main 
types are indicated for the benefit of the beginner on p. iv immediately before the 
plates. Though somewhat cumbersome, the elaborate table at the end of the text, 
with the fauna and culture of each period and its relation to the glaciations, can be 
highly recommended, though a rival system has been championed in several quarters, 
and finality is not yet reached. The following table represents in outline the views 
upheld by the three authors, following in principle the dominant school in France : 


Post-Daun - Campigny - - Litorina-Tapes : Shell-mounds. 

Daun stage - - Mas d'Azil and earliest neo- Ancylus : Maglemose. 


Gschnitz stage - Late La Madeleine - - Yoldia period. 

Buhl stage - - Early to mid La Madeleine Retreat of Baltic ice-sheet. 

(upper rodent bed). 

Achen oscillation - Solutre and Aurignac - Wanting. 

Wiirm glaciation - Le Moustier - Wanting. 

Riss-Wiirm interglacial St. Acheul and Chelles - Wanting. 

Traces of the Chelles culture have not yet been found in Germany, but the 
Elephas antiquus fauna of France lasted through the St. Acheul period in Germany 
associated in part with the mammoth, while from Le Moustier to La Madeleine 
inclusive an arctic-alpine fauna persisted. Attention should also be drawn to the 
inclusion of the period of Le Moustier in the early palaeolithic division, and the beginning 
of the later with Aurignac. Except for the absence of Chelles and late Solutre 
types the German series is practically identical with that generally accepted for 
France ; but it must be borne in mind that the German evidence is more or less confined 
to the south-west and the upper Rhine. The map opposite p. 116 (plate A) shows 
the periods represented on the various sites, which are treated in four groups : 
(i) Suabia and S. Germany (Heidelberg to Munich). 
(ii) S.W. Germany (Metz to Basel). 
(iii) Rhine and Westphalia (Wiesbaden to Diisseldorf). 
(iv) N. Germany (Brunswick to Weimar). 

[ 27 ] 

No. 14,] MAN. [1914. 

Excursions in district (i) were organised for the Prehistoric Congress at Tubingen 
in 1911, and the section at Sirgenstein was a most impressive sight. On the terrace 
of the cave, 120 feet above the stream which joins the Danube at Ulm, an oblong pit 
had been sunk, and in little over five feet it was possible to trace a vertical succession 
from Le Moustier to La Madeleine, both included. Such a result involved much 
patient work on the part of Dr. Schmidt and his colleagues and may appear incredible 
to those unfamiliar with recent cave-research. Besides the culture-levels, each with 
its typical implements, were two thin layers of rodents' bones in some places without 
matrix or admixture one following Le Moustier and the other corresponding to 
early La Madeleine. In the former the dominant animal was the N. American lemming 
(Myodes obensis) ; in the latter, that species was outnumbered by the banded species 
(M. torquatus), and that in turn gave place to a species of pica (Lagomys pusillus). 
The lemmings indicate a climate similar to that of the far north of Russia to-day ; but 
as the view here taken is that the cold continued throughout the Cave-period it might 
be thought that rodent-beds could occur at any level. That they mark a considerable 
fall in the temperature at two definite points in the -sequence is, however, practically 
proved by the occurrence of rodent-beds elsewhere in Germany at corresponding 
levels, at Wildscheuer and Ofnet. The latter site is of extreme interest to the anthro- 
pologist, as it yielded no less than thirty-three human skulls in two groups, including 
those of nine women and twenty children. These cave-dwellers of the Mas d'Azil 
stage, immediately after La Madeleine, had been decapitated not by their enemies, but 
solely for ceremonial burial, the skulls being all turned towards the west and carefully 
arranged with beads and other funeral furniture. The date is fixed by the stratifi- 
cation and the inclusion of pygmy flints, but the skulls were not all buried at one 
time, fresh additions to the groups having been made in concentric rings. Most 
are brachy cephalic, with two varieties of calvaria (double-circle and pear-shape, 
corresponding to the Crenelle and lake-dwelling types respectively) ; five are 
dolichocephalic, and eight mesaticephalic. Further analysis shows that they belong 
to a population descended from two distinct races, some of the subjects reverting 
to type. 

It would be ungracious to find fault with this imposing work on the very ground 
of its magnificence ; but, in the first place, the most advanced work on such a subject 
must presently be out of date, and, secondly, the necessarily high price puts it 
beyond the reach of most students who cannot borrow it from a library. Its perusal 
cannot fail to have a steadying and inspiring effect, for it is a striking confirma- 
tion of the current system, and shows what might be done with the much richer 
material in this country. The authors know as well as anyone that many of the 
problems they treat so fully are matters of controversy ; and it is perhaps a wise 
policy to take a strong line instead of presenting various views and leaving the 
reader to choose between them. The only objection is that one is liable to take 
for granted what is still under discussion. For instance, it is asserted that Mesvin 
is probably the oldest human industry. Dr. Rutot has strong views as to the date of 
that industry, and certainly does not regard it as the earliest known ; and Dr. Schmidt 
states that no implementiferous deposits that exclude the possibility of a natural 
origin for eoliths have yet been found. Again a matter of opinion, not to mention 
the possibility of man's presence in Tertiary deposits. The loess question once more 
is not finally settled, though recent research has brought it nearer solution ; and 
in connection with Achenheim it may be observed that fig. 5 of PI. xxvii, assigned 
to St. Acheul II., looks much like the Northfleet type, also found in the Somrne 
valley and assigned to early Le Moustier. Among sites for the Mas d'Azil type of 
harpoon occurs Ecosse : why not Schottland ? The specimens from Oban are well 
known and others have recently been found in Scotland. 

[ 28 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos. 14-15, 

Among other statements open to question may be mentioned two at the end of 
the text, in Dr. Schmidt's lucid summary of palaeolithic chronology and its relation 
to the antiquity of man. "Very few open-air stations of Le Moustier or La Madeleine 
" date are known," and " the Neandertal type represents the old palaeolithic culture" 
but several open-air sites with Le Moustier flints have recently been noticed in 
France ; and there are surface finds of both dates in England, while the champions 
of Galley Hill man will deny the second dictum with considerable vigour. Though 
all will recognise the ability, the general accuracy and enterprise of the authors, and 
will be grateful for a handsome addition to Stone Age literature, the thin soft paper 
of the text will prove a mistake : though a welcome relief from the usual shiny surface, 
it will not withstand ordinary wear and tear. 

As German prehistoric books are seldom seen in this country, and the language 
itself is a difficulty, it seems advisable to append a short list of technical terms with 
their French and English equivalents, to obviate a fruitless search in dictionaries : 

FAUSTEL, coup-de-poing, hand-axe. 

SPITZMANDELFORMIGER FAUSTEL, ficron, long-pointed hand-axe. 

SCHOLLEXFORM, limatide, dab-fish type. 

SCHABER, racloir, side-scraper. 

KRATZER, grattoir, end-scraper. 

KLIXGEXKRATZER, grattoir sur lame, end-scraper on blade. 

KIELKRATZER, grattoir carene, keeled plane or cone. 

STICHEL, burin, graving-tool, graver. 

ECKSTICHEL, burin d 1 angle, angle-graver with short slice. 

KANTENSTICHEL, burin lateral, angle-graver with long slice. 

STIELSPITZE, pointe de la Font Robert, tanged point. 

KERBSPITZE, pointe a cran, shouldered point. 

KAXNELIERRETUSCHE, retouche lamellaire, fluting. 

DORSALRETUSCHE, a dos abattu. battered back. R. A. S. 

Congo. Weeks. 

Among Congo Cannibals: Experiences, Impressions, and Adventures during 4C 
a Thirty Years' Sojourn amongst the Boloki and other Congo Tribes, with III 
a Description of their Curious Habits, Customs, Religion, and Laws. By John H. 
Weeks. London : Seeley, Servia & Co., 1913. Pp. 352. Fifty-four illustrations 
and map. 

The people chiefly treated in this book are the Boloki of the Middle Congo, 
a riverine tribe inhabiting the district near Nouvelle Anvers, formerly known as 
Bangala Station. The name Bangala, which has been variously applied to them 
and to the neighbouring Bomuna tribe, and is used by MM. Van Overbergh and 
De Jonghe to cover " a do/en or more different tribes speaking as many distinct 
languages," seems to have been quite unknown to the natives themselves. The 
" Bangala " of Stanley and Coquilhat, living at Diboko, under the chieftainship of 
Mata Bwiki, were " Bomuna of the tribe of Bobanga." Mr. Weeks, by the bye, 
disposes of a certain amount of legend about Mata Bwiki, whom Stanley imagined 
to be a sort of paramount chief showing (p. 169) that there is no such thing as 
a paramount chief among the Boloki, and that the translation, " Lord of many 
guns," is an error. 

The outcome of thirty years' experience cannot fail to be instructive, and an 
enormous amount of valuable information is contained in these pages, especially in 
the chapters on " Social Life and Organisation," " Marriage and Child-bearing," 
" Games and Pastimes," " Law, Crimes, and Ordeals," " Mythology and Folklore," 
"Religious Beliefs," "Taboos and Curses," &c., &c. 

[ 29 ] 

No. 15.] MAN. [1914. 

Particularly noteworthy among numerous other points which I am compelled 
to pass over is the Boloki theory as to unborn children (p. 129). Every family 
has a liboma, which may be a pool, a creek, or a bombax tree (it is not stated whether 
any other tree can be a liboma), and " is regarded as the preserve of the unborn 
" children of the family. The disembodied spirits (mingoli) of the deceased members 
" of the family performed the duty of supplying these preserves with spirit-children 
" to keep their families strong and numerous. They have a very misty idea as to 
" how these liboma are supplied with spirit-children (or bingbongbci), but I have 
" a suspicion that underlying the liboma is some idea of re-incarnation some 
" thought there was a re-birth of certain deceased members of the family, and 
" others thought the disembodied spirits had spirit-children, and these were sent to 
" the liboma to be endowed in due turn with bodies .... If a man has one 
" child by a wife and no more, he thinks someone has bewitched his liboma by 
" taking the family's stock of children from it and hiding them ; or it may be that 
" the other members of the family have bewitched her so that she may not be able 
" to procure another child from the liboma that there might be more for themselves ; 
" if, however, none of the family have more than one child by their wives, then 
" some other family, through hatred or jealousy, has taken by witchcraft the 
" children from their liboma and concealed them, for only the family to which the 
" liboma belongs can give birth to the unborn infant spirits then." 

Twins (masa) always have the names of Nkumu and Mpeya given them, just as 
with the Anyanja they are always called Mngoli and Nyuma, evidently meaning " in 
front " and " behind," or " former " and " latter." Mr. Weeks gives no explanation 
of the Boloki terms, which appear to be used also by the Bobangi (see JVhitehead's 
Dictionary, p. 481, s.v. Twin), though their word for "twins" is different. On the 
Lower Congo the word is nshimba ; the elder twin is also called Nshimba (in Bentley's 
spelling Nximba), while the younger is Nzuji. Mr. Weeks does not offer any 
suggestion as to the etymology of masa ; it can hardly be connected with the Bantu 
root given by Meinhof as paka, which is found in Swahili as pata (pacha), in 
Pokomo as mpatsa, in Nyanja as mpasa, in Zulu as impahla, &c. Special rules have 
to be observed with regard to twins : 

" The first-born of twins is always carried on the right arm and the second on 
the left arm. Whenever the mother replies to a salutation she must give two 
answers, one for each child ; and should she greet anyone she must duplicate her 
greeting. . . . She must eat, not with one hand, but with both, that each child 
may be properly nourished. Presents are given in duplicate or the child not receiving 
a present will become ill, fret, and die." 

No clan organisation is mentioned ; and there seems to be a good deal of 
uncertainty about terms of relationship, which, among most Bantu peoples, are so 
minute and precise. (See p. 161 and Appendix, Note 4, p. 342.) It is to be noted 
that there is a word nkaja, like the Nyanja mlongo and Swahili umbu, applied by a 
brother to a sister and vice versa, but never by a sister to a sister or a brother to 
a brother. Bokilo, which is used for " mother-in-law," but includes all relations by 
marriage, is derived from kila " to forbid " (cf. Zulu zila, and Ronga yila), and this 
etymology is confirmed by the custom of mutual avoidance between a man and his 
wife's mother, and a wife and her husband's father. Totemism would appear to be 
dying out, but there are numerous traces of it. What is said about curses and the 
mode of taking them off on pp. 293-300 should be compared with Ronga procedure 
described by M. Junod. 

We note that, in Mr. Weeks's opinion, polygamy tends to restrict the population, 
as it seems to have been possible (see p. 135) for a few wealthy men to " corner" all 
the available women ; the numbers of the sexes would seem to be approximately equal, 

[ 30 ] 

1914,] MAN. [Nos. 15-16. 

The folk tales given in Chapter XIV. present interesting points of contrast with 
other Bantu stories, and merit careful study, especially the adventures of the legendary 
hero, Libanza. 

We cannot conclude without a word of praise for the excellent illustrations, see 
especially Frontispiece and pp. 102, 118, and 160. A. WERNER. 

Australia. Malinowski. 

The Family among the Australian Aborigines. By B. Malinowski, Ph.D. JO 
Published for the University of London Press by Hodder and S tough ton, 10 

Mr. Malinowski has written a book that should be carefully read not only by 
every student of Australian institutions, but by every student of sociology. It 
consists of a critical and systematic examination of all the information at present 
available about the individual family in Australian tribes. For the student of 
Australian ethnology it shows the fundamental importance of the individual family 
in the social organisation of the aborigines, and gives a clear and illuminating 
account of an institution that has been neglected not only in theoretical works but 
also in descriptive works. For the student of sociology in general it is by far the 
best example in English of scientific method in dealing with descriptions of the 
customs and institutions of a savage people. Thus, quite apart from its value as 
giving a detailed description of an important institution in a race that has received 
much attention from sociologists, it may well serve for some time to come as a 
model of method, and for this reason alone should be in the hands of every student 
of ethnology. 

Although the work is purely descriptive in scope, yet it has an important 
bearing on theoretical questions. The author shows very clearly that the individual 
family is of extreme importance in the daily life of an Australian tribe. If the 
individual family did not exist, the moral and economic life of the natives would 
have to be something entirely different from what it is. This important fact bas 
been ignored by writers who have defended a hypothesis of the former existence of 
group-marriage in Australia. The individual family, far from showing any signs of 
being a recent innovation, seems, on the contrary, to be one of the most fundamental 
elements of the social organisation. This much is evident from Mr. Malinowski's 
book, which, therefore, though not written with any controversial intention, affords 
an overwhelming argument against hypotheses of group-marriage as they are commonly 

The scope of the book may be indicated by a brief summary. Chapter I. 
explains the problem (to provide a definition or description of the individual family 
in Australia) and the methods used in dealing with evidence. Chapter II. describes 
the manner of obtaining wives. (In this chapter there is one conclusion drawn on 
what seems slender evidence, to the effect that marriage by exchange of females is 
absent from tribes of Western Queensland and Central Australia. Exchange of 
females may be disguised under betrothal customs. A common form of betrothal is 
that a man is betrothed to a girl, and at the same time his sister is betrothed to 
her brother. Further, marriage by purchase by presents to the father-in-law and 
marriage by exchange of sisters are not in any way mutually exclusive, for they may 
both exist in the same tribe. In Western Australia, although a man may have 
obtained his wife by the exchange of a sister, he is still obliged, both before and 
after marriage, to give presents of food and weapons to his father-in-law.) Chapter III. 
deals with the relations between a husband and wife, in so far as concerns the autho- 
rity of the husband, his treatment of the wife, and the affection and attachment 

[ 31 ] 

Nos. 16-17.] MA.N. [1914. 

between them. (One remark may be made in this connection. The author speaks 
of the ill-treatment of the woman by her husband. It may be observed that the 
Australian woman always has a remedy against any exhibition of physical force by 
her husband, in the use of her tongue. A woman's tongue is as powerful in con- 
trolling a wayward husband in Australia as it is in more civilised communities.) 
Chapter IV. deals with the sexual aspect of marriage (the only aspect usually 
considered by group-marriage theorists). Chapter V. discusses, under the heading 
" Mode of Living," the connection of the family with the local organisation. (This 
chapter is unsatisfactory owing to the very scanty information at present available 
about the Australian local organisation, but the author has made as good a use as 
seems possible of the imperfect material available.) Chapter VI. deals with the 
notion of kinship ; one part of the chapter is an attempt to throw light on the native 
notions of kinship by an examination of mythological beliefs. (This chapter is, on the 
whole, the least successful in the book. The Australian notions relating to kinship 
cannot be studied without reference to what the author calls " group relationships " ; 
in other words, the relationship systems, classes and clans. As Mr. Malinowski has 
confined himself, quite justifiably, to a study of the individual family relationships, 
this part of his work remains imperfect.) Chapter VII. deals with the relations of 
parents and children, and Chapter VIII. gives a brief account of the family as the 
economic unit. A. R. B. 

Physical Anthropology. Buttel-Reepen. 

Man and His Forerunners. By Professor H. von Buttel-Reepen. Autho- 4T 
rised translation by A. G. Thacker, A.R.C.S. London : Longmans, Green & I* 
Co., 1913. Pp. 96. Figs. 70. Price 2s. 6d. net. 

We have nothing but commendation for the manner in which Mr. A. G. Thacker 
has rendered Professor von Buttel-Reepen's popular German book into excellent 
English. It is little more than two years since the original work appeared as a 
series of articles in a German scientific periodical which were afterwards published 
in book form under the title of Aus dem Werdegang der Menscheit. The book 
succeeded in the fatherland for two good reasons : (1) The author possessed an 
excellent judgment in selecting the most essential facts in the present state of our 
knowledge of ancient man ; (2) the facts were presented clearly and simply, the reader 
being aided by excellent illustrations. Professor Buttel-Reepen's book deserves all 
its success, for the author surveys the anthropological world without prejudice ; he 
believes rightly that his sober, hard-working contemporaries are in search for truth 
as regards human beginnings, and renders to each deserving man a due, if brief, 
representation. Anyone in search of a simple and reliable guide to the present 
state of our knowledge of early man his features, his works, and his manners will 
find it here. 

The English edition is very much up-to-date. It includes a fairly full account 
of the human skull found by Mr. Charles Dawson at Piltdown, Sussex, which has 
been ascribed to an extinct genius of humanity Eoanthropus. Professor Buttel- 
Reepen has evidently been misled by the statement of the finder and namer of 
Eoanthropus namely, that flints of the Chellean type were found with the remains. 
He consequently refers Eoanthropus, with Neanderthal man, to the Chellean age, in 
the second inter-glacial phase. The original authors refer the remains to a much 
earlier time, the early part of the Pleistocene, believing them to be of about the same 
age as the Heidelberg jaw. We also note that the author is prepared to believe in the 
contemporary existence of several species or genera of mankind, and that he accepts 
Mr. Reid Moir's sub-crag flints as genuine evidence of man's workmanship. 


Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 


MAJT, 1914. 

The small gap above, in the base, should be filled in; this is caused by a flaw in the negative. 

FIG. 3. 





[No. 18. 




With. Plate C. 

Ethnography : Pelew Islands. Beasley. 

Inlaid Bowl and Stand from the Pelews. By H. G. Beasley. 

I was fortunate to discover these two very ancient pieces in a small second- 
hand furniture shop, and I venture to think that a short explanation of them may 
be of interest. Articles from this group are but rarely met with, and even our great 
museums are, unfortunately, but poorly supplied. The bowl (Figs. 1-2) is of rather 
heavy wood, cut from the solid, and measures 23 inches (58*4 cm.) long, 14 inches 
(3o-6 cm.) wide, and stands 9f inches (24*5 cm.) high, outside measurement, the 
sides being ^ inch (l'3cm.) thick. The depth inside is 7^ inches (19 ! cm.). The 

FIG. 1. 

ends are shaped and inlaid to represent a human face, of which the raised nose is 
the most striking feature. This ridge-like nose seems to be a peculiarity of Pelew 
work, since I have another bowl with the same feature, though otherwise perfectly 
plain. The sides of the bowl are divided by two bands of inlaid tridacna shell, and 
enclosed by them are four human figures formed of the same material let into the 
wood. These figures are highly conventionalised and are obviously phallic ; above 
and between these figures are wing-shaped pieces of inlay. The base upon which 
this bowl stands would seem to show some Asiatic influence, since it closely 
resembles the small black wood stands that come from China and Japan. Both 
Wilson* and Kubaryf state that these bowls were used to contain syrup, or as the 

* WilsoD. An Account of the Pelew Islands. London, 1788. 
t Kubary. Etkno, Seitruge :ur den Korollnen Archipels. Leiden, 1892. 

[ 33 ] 

Nos. 18-19.] MAN. [1914. 

former quaintly describes it, "sweet drink." The entire surface is coloured red, 
similar to the British Museum specimens. The rim of the vessel is quite flat and 
is also inlaid sparingly with small square pieces of shell, a fact which would imply 
the absence of any cover such as is present in the British Museum example. The 
presence of a cover in the last-named is doubtless due to its bird shape. 

Amaso Delano,* who visited the islands with McCluer in 1792, speaks of this 
inlay work with admiration, which he describes as taking the form of birds, fishes, 
flying foxes, and men, and adds that in addition to their utensils this work was used 
on their canoes and paddles. Fig. 3 is a stand or low table on which fruit and taro 
were placed during a feast, as mentioned by Captain Wilson, unfortunately without 
illustration. Kubaryf however describes them fully (page 204, Plate 26, Fig. 3). 
This specimen is of considerable weight and cut from the solid. It resembles the 
bowl in being coloured with red pigment and is elaborately inlaid in the same 
manner. Each of the four legs bears a highly conventionalised figure having very 
long arms and legs, each of which ends in a triangular piece of notched shell, which 
may represent hands and feet, the head and body being two round pieces of shell. 
The top is hollowed out, and presents a flat surface, the rim being about 1 inch 
wide and | inch high. It is inlaid with five small square notched pieces. The 
outer edge is also elaborately decorated, the design being formed of triangular pieces 
set over small rosettes, and the same triangular inlay occurs on the base. The 
height of the stand is 15 inches (38 '2 cm.), the diameter of the top, 22 inches 
(56 cm.). H. G. BEASLEY. 

Applied Anthropology. Temple. 

The Value of a Training in Anthropology -for the Administrator. 4 A 

Part of a Lecture delivered before the Oxford University Anthropological lu 
Society, by Sir Richard Temple, Bart., C.I.E. 

I understand that I am called upon to address to-day, amongst others, proba- 
tioners for the Indian Civil Service, and I wish to say at once that in urging them 
to train themselves in Anthropology I have no desire to add another subject to their 
already overburdened curriculum. My object in doing what is possible to forward 
the movement in favour of Schools of Applied Anthropology, for the benefit of such 
students as they are, is to ensure that they shall be put in the way of knowing for 
themselves the people with whom they may come in contact. The essential points 
of knowledge for a young man going out to India to assist in the Government are 
Languages, Administration, and Law. I put them in that order advisedly, as the 
result of many years' experience, and to these I strongly desire to add Anthropology, 
for the reason that if you are to succeed in governing men, knowledge of their lan- 
guages or of the administration and the law of the country is not quite enough. It 
is also necessary to know the culture of the people with whom one is dealing. This is 
the knowledge that the Schools of Applied Anthropology advocated by myself and 
others wish to provide, not so much by directly teaching it as by putting students 
in the way of acquiring it accurately for themselves. We know very well the weight 
of the tax placed on the intellectual powers of students of the Indian Civil Service 
examination system, and we know how loyal are the efforts they make to meet that tax. 
We have no wish therefore to add to the burden, but we do wish, firstly, to interest 
them in Anthropology, and, secondly, by that means to lead them on to the study of it 
throughout life, to the benefit of themselves and of those amongst whom they work. 

It will have been perceived that I have been true to my principles, and have 
used only general terms in treating my subject, but, as I am addressing those who 

* Delano. Narrative of Voyages and Travels. Boston, 1817. 
7 Kubary. Ethno. Beitrage zur den Korolinen ArcTiipels. Leiden, 1892. 

[ 34 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No, 19. 

are going to work in India, I propose giving one or two general hints, not so much 
as statements of positive facts, but as my own views after forty years of study, 
which they can most usefully spend their spare time in verifying later on. 

The outstanding human fact in India is caste, which is the principle of family 
exclusiveness carried to its logical conclusion, and in this form it exists nowhere 
else in the world. It is there a birthright of divine origin preserved as rigidly as 
possible by immemorial custom. It is maintained by as complete avoidance as prac- 
ticable of bodily contact with all outsiders. This has made the marriage rules most 
rigid, and has led to female infanticide, child-marriage, and widow celibacy. Work 
these points out for yourselves with such help as you can get from old students like 
myself. It has also divided the natives of India into a network of isolated com- 
munities, and rendered the population unable to combine against attack from outside. 
Hence the many foreign rulers in India. Hence, also, our own empire over a 
courageous, physically strong, and mentally capable population. Hence, too, the 
tendency of the people to split up into innumerable small religious sects, each with 
its own system of ethics. 

Caste, being the rule of life of the great majority of the people, affects everv- 
one. It will affect you who are going to India, for you will find that Europeans are 
there, owing to the conditions, a caste, whether they like it or not. It is this, and 
not the superciliousness of the Englishmen, that makes intimate social relations 
between British and Indian families impossible. The common complaint that our 
national characteristic of aloofness is responsible for the social isolation in India is a 
shallow observation. It occurs simply because it has been the rule of the land from 
a period long before our time. 

The point to watch in the future is the breaking down of this social system. 
It is coming for a certainty, and its advent will mean a complete social revolution, 
with all its consequences. The causes are Western education awakening the critical 
faculties of the natives and shaking their faith in the complete purity of their 
birthright, and modern capacity for cheap and rapid movement, making personal 
isolation more and more difficult. 

The second cardinal point about India is Hinduism. Like caste, it permeates 
everything. Hinduism is more than a religion. It provides a rule of life guiding 
the conduct of practically the whole Indian populace, whatever the form of the 
creed they may profess. Modern Hinduism is the outcome of many centuries of 
growth and exposure to outside influences, and is divided nowadays into two almost 
separate parts philosophy and practice. The philosophy is monotheistic and the 
practice animistic ; that is to say, there is a theoretical belief in the supreme power of 
one God, combined with a practical belief in the powers of innumerable supernatural 
personages and forces. This applies to the higher castes, but there is an enormous 
population below them who are known as the low castes ; outcasts according to 
high-caste Hindu theory. Their faith is the primitive animism of the country largely 
tinged with the philosophy and the high moral teaching of the popular eclectic 
mediaeval reformers of India, as to whom you should learn all you can when you 
get there. 

It is these low castes that are becoming ripe for accepting Christianity whole- 
sale. The higher caste Hindus and the educated natives generally are aware of this, 
and have started a strong revival of all the old native religions and of Hinduism 
especially. This is one of the chief causes of the unrest you will hear so much of 
when you get to India. And as to this you may usefully hear one or two things 
from an old anthropologist. The first point to grasp is that the unrest is real, 
inevitable, and natural. It is due entirely to the revolution caused in native life by 
the contact of old Eastern and Western civilisations. Our mere presence in India, 

[ 35 ] 

Nos. 19-20.] MAN. [1914. 

as the controlling power with a strong distinct civilisation of our own, has seriously 
threatened the caste system and the chief religion through the education we have 
imported wholesale. Western education is also completely upsetting the whole of 
the long-established methods of treating women, and it has created a new educated 
middle-class, largely unemployed in a suitable manner, and, therefore, inflammable 
and disappointed, ready to fan the flame of unrest whenever possible. All this is 
the necessary consequence of the conditions resulting from our overlordship. It 
is essentially a state of things where the anthropological training will avail largely 
to make you understand it, and by understanding it to keep the cool head required 
in a situation that can only become dangerous if ignorantly treated. 

One or two more words with your leave. Be very careful to learn the spoken 
languages, or at least the chief language, of the province in which your lot is cast. 
You can never secure the interest of the people, or really know anything of them, 
unless you do. It is better for the people you govern that you should know their 
language well than to be a first-rate lawyer or a minutely accurate administrator. 
The other point is as regards the climate. Long continued residence in India affects 
the nervous system more than the muscles or the vital organs. It is not so much, 
as you will be told, the liver, the spleen, the stomach, or the head that are injured 
as the nerves. The thing to avoid is the local " head," a common colloquial recog- 
nition of that insidious disease, neurasthenia, the visible signs of which are irritability 
and loss of memory for small details, such as names and words. If you want to 
keep yourselves fit for work, endeavour to preserve your English steadiness of nerve, 
knowing that it is being more and more undermined by every year you spend in" 

I have spoken dogmatically because the time is short, but I wish you to under- 
stand that it is not my desire to dogmatise. What I have tried to do is to give 
you some of the conclusions resulting from many years of study as a basis for you 
to work on for yourselves. R. C. TEMPLE. 

Archaeology. Johnston. 

The Origin of the Horse-shoe Arch. By Sir H. H. Johnston, Qfl 

G.C.M.G., K.C.B. LU 

The reviews of a work on Art in Spain and Portugal, recently published by 
Mr. Heinemann, touch on a very interesting problem in both art and ethnology 
the origin of the Horse-shoe Arch what the French style more accurately /'ore a 
cintre outre-passe. Napoleon III wished to determine whether this leading feature 
of Saracenic architecture really owed its origin to the Arab uprising under the impetus 
of Islam, and despatched two architect-explorers to investigate ruins in eastern Syria 
which were alleged to contain horse-shoe arches and yet to date from the sixth and 
even fifth centuries of the Christian era. The report of this commission in the form 
of a large quarto or folio volume is to be seen in the British Museum Library (I 
cannot at the time of writing remember the authors' names, but this and the work 
itself could be easily elicited at the Library). I remember that the evidence collected 
went to show : (1) That the horse-shoe arch was possibly connected with a Phoenician 
sex-cult, had certainly existed long before Islam, possibly, with other phallic emblems, 
had penetrated to the holy shrines at Mekka and elsewhere in western Arabia, and 
had been closely associated with the mihrab (mahrab), or holy recess of Arab temples ; 
an element in Islamic architecture which was adopted by the Muhammadans almost 
coevally with the first organisation of their cult. But there was already a tendency 
in pre-Islamic Persia and India towards the pointed arcli, consequently this form 
influenced in many places and at different periods the round horse-shoe shape of the 
original mihrab. Nevertheless I have myself found and photographed in some of the 

[ 36 ] 

1914,] MAN. [Nos. 20-21. 

oldest mosques of north-western India (at Delhi, for example) forms of the horse-shoe 
arch which are only slightly pointed in the middle. 

We know historically that one of the earliest foci of Saracenic architecture was 
central and southern Tunis Kairwan to the beautiful little towns of the Shatts, or 
lacustrine oases. Here may still be seen examples fragments of eighth-century 
architecture exhibiting the horse-shoe arch in its perfect, rounded form literally 
rare a cintre outre-passe. Later on, under Fatimid rule, architects came from Egypt 
(where Persian influence had early impressed the pointed arch on the local Saracenic 
architecture) and influenced Berber culture in North Africa. Thence arose the beau- 
tiful, slightly pointed shapes of the arch in so many mediaeval Algerian and Moroccan 
buildings, and in the Saracenic architecture of Spain and southern Portugal from the 
eleventh to the fifteenth century. But I believe I am right in saying that the earliest 
Saracenic buildings in Spain and southern Portugal have the rounded horse-shoe arch, 
and not the pointed. 

In the island of Jerba, and elsewhere in the adjoining Tunisian Sahara, there 
may be seen truly remarkable shrines and mosques containing what was obviously 
the primal shape and purpose of the mihrab. Traditionally these emblems of a sex- 
cult ante-date Islam and the arrival of the first Arab invaders. Here seems to have 
lingered down to the end of the Roman rule in North Africa a vestige of a religion 
imported by the Phoenicians. This same Syrian or Persian-gulf religion quite possibly 
penetrated to western Arabia and left behind the mihrab (and its outcome, the horse- 
shoe arch) in the temples of the pagan Arabs. Its relics, we know, affected the first 
Islamic colonists of Jerba and southern Tunis, who were the earliest schismatics of 
Islam, and whose descendants to-day (unless the advance of French civilisation has 
swept the buildings away) still worship in small shrines and strangely-decorated 
mosques, which have been described and pictured by me in the Royal Geographical 
Society's magazine for 1898. It is quite possible that the Phoenicians may have 
similarly planted in Spain the same cult and the same emblems and hollow moulds 
of emblems (which is all the Arab mihrab is) as they introduced into the African 
territories of Carthage, and that consequently the horse-shoe arch may have arisen 
independently in Spain as it likewise arose in Coele-Syria and southern Tunis. But, 
if so, it is perplexing to find it as a pre-Islamic feature in Visigothic buildings of 
northern Spain, whither the Phoenician influence can have scarcely penetrated. 


Chile, Northern. Evans : Southward. 

A Further Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise at Indio Muerto, HI 

Northern Chile. By Oswald H. Evans and John Southward. 1 

During last year a short note was forwarded for publication in MAN dealing with 
the occurrence of turquoise at Indio Muerto, in the Chanaral district of Northern 
Chile, and referring to the use of the substance by the former inhabitants of the 
region (see MAX, 1913, 87). 

A short time afterwards, through the courtesy of Don Nicanor Plaza, of Chanaral, 
some examples of the turquoise in the crude state, and also in the form of beads and 
pendants, were obtained, together with a most interesting example of carved wood 
inlaid with the same mineral. 

As we understand that hitherto the occurrence of turquoise deposits in South 
America has not been brought to the notice of ethnologists, it is as well to state that 
the mineral, for which chrysocolla might readily be mistaken, has been indentified by 
analysis as true turquoise. 

The turquoise occurs in thin bauds throughout an igneous vein, as shown by the 
matrix, but of its geological relationships in situ we are ignorant, the locality being 

[ 37 ] 

No. 21,] 



difficult of access and very seldom visited. In general, the colour of the stone is poor, 
being green rather than blue, and the pieces used by the Indians for beads and 
similar articles are full of flaws and earthy discolouration:?. 

The worked specimens forwarded to us by Senor Plaza consist, firstly, of two 
large pendants to which a roughly conical shape has been given by grinding. Each 
is pierced at the apex with a hole for suspension, and in one instance a fragment of 
twisted thread remained inside the drill-hole ; one of the pendants is scored at the 
base, presumably with decorative intention. Secondly, a number of cylindrical beads, 
subquadrangular in section, all perforated throughout their entire length for suspension. 

Some few years ago great numbers of these 
beads of different sizes were brought down 
from the interior to Chanaral, having 
been obtained in an Indian burial ground 
in the vicinity of the mineral vein. It is 
stated that the graves contained " mum- 
mies " (using the term as generally under- 
stood to apply to desiccated human bodies) 
buried in a contracted posture, the orna- 
ments being round their necks. As is 
usual in such cases, unfortunately, the 
remains were treated with scant ceremony, 
the turquoise objects, with few exceptions, 
alone being preserved. 

Apart from the beads and pendants, 
of which the chief interest lies in the 
material from which they have been made, 
the most interesting relic consists of a 
small article of carved wood, inlaid with 
turquoise. This object is a kind of 
" palette " of hard, dark-coloured Avood, 
slightly concave, its lower half is hol- 
lowed out into a shallow " tray," whilst 
the upper portion bears a conventionalised 
human figure carved in low relief. The 
dimensions are as follows : -- Length, 
15 cms. ; width at top, 6 cms. ; width 
at bottom, 4^ cms. ; thickness, | cm. to 
1 cm. The design is crude but the work 
has been carefully executed. 

The aspect of the little figure at 
once recalls that of the central image 
in the celebrated monolithic doorway of 
Tiahuanaco, and it may at least be referred to the " Tiahuanaco style." The face 
and body are almost quadrangular and the lower extremities are represented by 
two small squares. Arms are lacking, unless the turquoise inlaying was supposed 
to represent them. The figure had, apparently, ear-plugs ; beneath the " chin " 
runs a line of small hollows representing a necklace and the body-square bears 
three circular depressions formerly set with turquoise. Above the head are two 
hollows, one circular and placed centrally, the other, on the left side, is oval. 
There is no corresponding oval on the right side. These markings, formerly inlaid, 
may possibly represent a radiate head-dress, as in the Tihuanaco figure. On 
either side of the head are cut two long oval hollows, a small circle is placed 

C 38 ] 


1914.] MAN. [No, 21. 

beside each leg, a large one beside each shoulder, another long oval runs below 
the legs, and, finally, on each side immediately above the shallow " tray " are two 
other circles. Two pieces only of the turquoise inlay remain, both on the right 
side. Certain of the cavities retain traces of a cement which, on heating, melts, 
swells up, and finally burns with an aromatic odour. This cement may possibly 
be the dried exudation of a species of Euphorbia peculiar to the North Chilian 
deserts, locally called the Lechero (milkman). This plant, on incision of the limbs 
or leaves, yields a white, strongly adhesive fluid, said to be poisonous, but 
occasionally employed as a convenient cement. 

The turquoise inlay remaining consists of two irregularly circular flat beads of 
green colour, centrally perforated. The latter point is interesting, since it shows that 
the maker made use of beads in common use for personal ornament and not of specially 
prepared fragments of the stone. It would appear that the ovals were filled with 
cylindrical beads placed lengthways and the circles with transverse sections. A hole 
has been bored, presumably for suspension, near the lower rim of the tray, with 
an unhandy tool, for a portion of the rim was scooped away at the same time. This 
hole has been plugged up with cement as though the "palette" was intended to 
hold a liquid substance, perhaps face-paint or pigment for pottery decoration. At 
some time the object has been broken at the upper right-hand side, and shows signs 
of an attempt at mending, two small holes being drilled in the back along the line of 
fracture. There is another small drill hole on the front side at the bottom right-hand 
corner of unknown use. 

The material of the " palette " merits a comment. Timber is practically non- 
existent in the Atacama region, but it is well-known that deposits of fossil or 
semi-fossil wood are not uncommon. One such deposit of hardwood occurs in the 
interior of Chanaral, and has a limited use as fuel, donkey loads being occasionally 
brought down to the little port and sold under the name of " carbon." The trees 
are said to be almost buried in sand, but have suffered little change, not being 
mineralised in the slightest degree. They bear witness to a gradual change of 
climate, for which other evidence is not lacking. 

To all appearance the " palette " has been carved from this material, and this, 
taken in conjunction with the use of local turquoise for the inlaying, renders it 
probable that the object was made on the spot. 

The close proximity of the Inca road, which passes near Indio Muerto on the 
way to Copiapo ; the contracted " mummies " ; and, above all, the style of the work, 
all point to Peruvian influence. Is it not probable that at Indio Muerto we have 
the source of the turquoise, which found its way throughout the whole Peruvian 
culture area ? 

The remaining articles sent to us by Senor Plaza comprise a spatula or spoon 
of common coast form shaped from part of the scapula of some animal, probably 
the guanaco, a few arrow heads, one of them of crystalline quartz, belonging to 
types described in MAN, 1906, 12, and figured in Knoivledge, 1908, July, August. 
A small stone object of unknown use, possibly a paint muller, and three discs of 
pottery, about 1 in. to 1^ in. in diameter, slightly convex, and deeply scored with 
grooves, in two instances radial, but in the third specimen crossing at right angles, 
dividing the surface into squares. These are locally known as " Indian money." 
They have evidently been ground to a roughly circular shape from potsherds. The 
cross-hatched specimen exhibits traces of the polished red slip frequently met in 
the early pottery of the coast. OSWALD H. EVANS, F.G.S. 


No. 22,] MAN. [1914. 

Archaeology : France. Lewis. 

On Some Prehistoric Antiquities in the Departments of the AA 
Vienne and the Charente, France. By A. L. Lewis, Officier d" 1 Academic. LL 

The following particulars were collected by me while attending the meeting of the 
Congres Prehistorique de France, held at Angouleme in August 1912, at which I had 
the honour of representing the Royal Anthropological Institute by request of the 

There is a fine dolmen very near to Poitiers ; it is called the " Pierre Levee." 
and tramcars run from the Hotel de Ville past the prison, at the back of which the 
dolmen stands in a garden at the corner of two roads. The capstone is about 
15 feet in extreme length and breadth, and a further length of 4 feet, apparent ly 
broken off, lies on the ground at its north-east end. The bearings are nearly north- 
east and south-west ; there are the remains of seven supporters, forming originally a 
chamber, 10 feet wide from north-west to south-east, and 7 feet or 8 feet from 
north-east to south-west. Of these supporters, two at the south-west end are from 
5 feet to 6 feet high, but those at the north-east have fallen and let that end of the 
capstone down to the ground, so that without excavation it is not possible to say 
whether another chamber existed there or not. The capstone is nearly 3 feet thick, 
and on the top of it, near the north corner, are a rather remarkable boss and ridge. 

In the Foret de Boixe, near Vervant, there is a remarkable monument called 
le Gros Doignon. It consists of a tumulus with a large capstone supported by 
other stones. On getting down under this stone through a narrow opening, one side 
of the space beneath is found to consist of a wall with a large carefully-squared 
opening through it communicating with another rectangular chamber which is 
completely covered by the tumulus. Whether this is a later addition, and if so 
when it was constructed I do not know ; but when Richard wrote his France 
Monumentale sixty or seventy years ago its existence was apparently unknown, and 
only the capstone was to be seen. 

About 6 kilometres north from this monument there were formerly five dolmens, 
of which only two remain ; these are called the Great and Little Perrottes, and 
stand about 165 feet apart in a line 25 degrees east of north. The Great Perrotte, 
which is at the south, consists of a very regular and nearly rectangular chamber 
10^ feet internally from north-west to south-east, 9 feet from north-east to south- 
west, and 6 feet high. Three of the sides have three supporters each, and the 
fourth (south-west) has four ; one on the north-east side has been forced inward, 
and the gap thus made forms the present entrance ; one next to it, at the north 
corner, has sculptured upon it the representations of tAvo stone axes. The capstone 
is nearly 18 feet long by 13| feet wide, and from 6 feet to 8 feet thick. There 
are other stones, two of which are of great size, and also remains of a tumulus 
surrounding the chamber. 

The Little Perrotte is small only by comparison, the capstone being about 
14 feet long by 8^ feet wide and 4 feet thick. It has, however, remains of only 
five supporting stones, but there are what seem to be two smaller capstones covering 
an entrance passage, or it may be another chamber, on the south-east side. The 
longest axis of the dolmen itself is 25 degrees east of north and west of south. 
Several stones are scattered about near the two Perrottes, which are no doubt 
remains of other monuments. The material was said to be coralline limestone with 
terebratula, &c., brought from Chateau-Renaud, 3 kilometres distant. 

Richard (France Monumentale) describes three other dolmens in this neighbour- 
hood, which I suppose were those mentioned to the Congress as having beei? 
destroyed. These were at Luxe ; one of them, four or five hundred metres south 
from the Perrottes, was verv similar to the smaller Perrotte ; another, two or three 

[ 40 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 22. 

hundred metres further south, had a rather circular capstone about 12 feet in 
diameter and 3 feet thick, and was at the east end of a mound or " eminence," 
perhaps natural, 56 metres long from east to west, 16 to 18 metres wide, and 3 feet 
or 4 feet high. These two monuments were about in the same line as the two 
Perrottes ; a third was a little to the east of that line, but was too much destroyed 
in Richard's time to be intelligibly described. Richard also mentions another dolmen, 
a menhir, and a number of detached stones, fragments of other monuments, as 
existing in his time in the same arrondissement (Ruffec), but these were not brought 
to the notice of the Congress, and may possibly have been destroyed. 

One kilometre north-east from Cognac, by the side of the road to St. Brice, are 
some remains called the dolmen de Sechebec after the neighbouring hamlet. I had 
only time to take a snapshot view of it without any attempt to measure it, but 
Richard (France Monumentale, p. 679) says that the capstone, originally in one 
piece, 5 metres long, 3 metres broad, and nearly 1 metre thick, was supported by 
other stones, but that, some of these having sunk down, the capstone broke in two 
pieces by its own weight, one piece remaining horizontal and the other inclining to 
the north-east ; he adds that this dolmen is so slightly raised above the ground that 
it cannot be regarded as a cell for people to retire into.* 

The programme of the Congress included a visit to the dolmen of St. Brice, 
4 kilometres from Cognac, but want of time prevented it. Richard, however, 
describes this dolmen as consisting of two large flat stones of very irregular shape 
placed on five others, four of which support the larger capstone ; this is 3 metres 
long and 3 metres wide, the longest diagonal from corner to corner being 6 metres. 
The smaller capstone is nearly square and is little more than half the length and 
width of the other. 

The last dolmen visited by the Congress on this occasion was that of Segonzac, 
or St. Mesme, 13 kilometres south-east from Cognac. It was a chamber about 
15 feet long and 4 feet or 5 feet wide inside, covered by two or three stones, or, 
perhaps, as Richard says, by one large one which has broken in halves. Only one 
piece now remains, partly fallen into the chamber, but the other half or another 
stone would appear to have still been there in Richard's time. The axis of the 
chamber is 65 degrees west of North and east of South. The material is limestone. 

Richard describes another dolmen at St. Fort, 14 kilometres south from Cognac, 
as consisting of a capstone 7^ metres and 6^ metres in its respective diagonal 
measurements and about half a metre thick, supported on three upright stones 
1^ metre high, there being also remains of others which completed the walls of the 
chamber. This dolmen was, however, at some distance outside the route of the 
Congress, and as the excursion started from Angouleme at 5.30 a.m. and did not 
get back till 7.30 p.m. it could not be extended to include all the objects of interest 
in the vicinity. 

The oldest church in Poitiers, the Baptisteie St. Jean, has been converted 
into a museum for large stone objects. One of these is a double sarcophagus of the 
Merovingian period. There are also some lids of the same age, one of which has 
carved upon it a number of objects very like the axes which are occasionally found 
upon the stones of the dolmens as, for instance, at the Grande Perrotte already 
described. The Merovingian dynasty existed from 481 to 752 A.D., and I do not 
suggest that there was any direct connection between the people for whom these 
sarcophagi were made and those who carved representations of stone axes on the 
dolmens, but I think it not unlikely that this lid may have been made by a Gallic 

* A very full account of this dolmen and of some others near Cognac, with plans and views by 
M. A. Cousset, has appeared in The Compte Rendu of the Congres Prehistorique de France (AngoulSme, 
1912, pp. 600-638). 

Nos. 22-23.] MAN. [1914. 

artisan who retained some lingering idea that such ornaments as these were especially 
appropriate to funereal objects. It has, however, been observed that neolithic 
weapons, tools, and fragments are often found in Merovingian graves ; some of the 
French archaeologists think they were placed there intentionally, but most of them 
maintain that they got in accidentally, because the Merovingian burial ground bad 
previously been occupied by a neolithic population.* There were in the same museum 
some other stones with very prehistoric-looking figures upon them. 

Lastly, there is a kind of edifice which, so far as I have been able to discover, 
is confined to the Charente. It is called the " Lanterue des Morts," and is a small 
tower standing in the churchyard and having a place at the top for showing a light, 
intended apparently to guide any wandering spirit to the spot to which all well- 
conducted ghosts were expected to retire. They are not used now, and whether the 
lights were kept burning every night or only on the night succeeding a funeral or other 
special occasion I do not know. In one case a pinnacle at an angle of a church 
was used for this purpose. These monuments belong to the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries, but they bear a remarkable resemblance to the Irish round towers ; both 
are always connected with burial grounds and both have windows at the top in four 
directions. The Irish towers are, however, four or five centuries older, and are 
much larger than the " lanternes des morts " and were probably used for several 
purposes, but one of those purposes may certainly have been that of a lighthouse 
for the spirits of the dead. If we admit this community of purpose an interesting 
question arises : Was there a lantern or tower building race which migrated from 
Ireland to the Charente or was the idea separately developed at different periods in 
those two countries ? The answer may be of importance in the consideration of a 
still larger question. A. L. LEWIS. 

Anthropology. REVIEWS. Johnston. 

Views and Reviews. By Sir Harry Johnston, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. London, OQ 

1912. U 

In this little volume Sir Harry Johnston has collected and revised several of his 
interesting and suggestive articles which have appeared in various periodicals. He 
writes from the point of view of an experienced officer who has held important 
charges among primitive races in many parts of the world, and at the same time of 
an anthropologist of very definite opinions, not untinged by the political views advocated 
by most of the organs in which his papers first appeared. Some of his views will 
undoubtedly provoke controversy, and some of his statements as to disputed questions 
treat too absolutely as undoubted facts matters still under discussion. For instance, 
on p. 68, he says that St. Patrick was a " native of British Dumbartonshire," although 
Professor Bury, the author of the best modern book on the subject, has traced him to 
the Severn estuary. On p. 134, he speaks of the Baluchi as Dravidian, although 
their Iranian origin is fairly well established, and even the Brahui, who speak a 
Dravidian language, show little trace of Dravidian blood. Similar cases might be 
quoted from other essays, but these are minor points and do not detract from the 
general value and interest of the work. A considerable space is occupied with Irish 
and German subjects, and the remaining essays on " Islam," " Racial Problems," and 
" The Rise of the Native " should be studied by all anthropologists. 

It is the introductory essay, however, which more than any of the others claims 
the recognition of all members of the Royal Anthropological Institute. It is entitled 
" The Empire and Anthropology," and in it Sir H. Johnston advocates the claims of 
the Institute to national recognition, and points out the urgent importance to the 

* " Silex N&>lithiques clans des Tombes M^rovingiennes " in Bulletin, de la Societe Prehistorique 
Francaite. Tome IX (1912), p. 660. 

[ 42 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos. 23-24. 

Empire of an institution based on scientific principles, where young men proceeding 
to the backward parts of the earth can receive at any rate the beginnings of a 
training in the methods of dealing with the primitive or barbaric races they may 
encounter, and politicians and administrators may also acquire some understanding of 
matters on which they may have to legislate. This is what the Institute has long 
been fighting for, but its efforts have hitherto met with neglect, and the Government 
of the Empire more interested than any other in such questions cannot afford to 
spend a single penny on promoting such vital studies. We must, therefore, be 
grateful for Sir Harry Johnston's forcible and well-argued advocacy, and we must 
continue to hope that the public and the public men of this country may in time be 
roused by such appeals to some perception of the urgency of the case. Perhaps the 
discussion on anthropological teaching at the late meeting of the British Association 
is a sign of the times, and something definite may be about to happen. 


America : Archaeology. Beuchat. 

Manuel cT Archeologie Americaine. Par H. Beiichat. Picard : Paris. 1912. A J 

Books of this nature are in a sense the despair of the reviewer and the fmT 
delight of the critic. On the one hand, it is very difficult to deal shortly, and at 
the same time fairly, with a book of such immense scope, on the other, it is obvious 
that a volume of this nature must offer almost limitless opportunity for criticism. 

M. Beuchat's object in compiling this work is to provide students with a manual 
in which they may find set forth shortly and clearly the outlines of the archaeology, 
using that word in its widest sense, of the twin American continents. 

It may be stated at once that in this extremely laborious task the author has 
achieved a very considerable measure of success. From certain points of view the 
manual is all that could be desired ; the many highly controversial points are handled 
with common sense and restraint, and the author for the most part, as is best in such 
a book, maintains a conservative attitude, often refraining from identifying himself with 
one or other of opposing theories. In this connection a word of praise is due to the 
section dealing with the possible discovery of America by the Norsemen. The 
statements in the text are supported by an array of very useful bibliographical 
references in footnotes, and there is further a well-selected bibliography, which is, 
however, marred by the amazing omission of any reference to Dr. A. P. Maudslay's 
great work. 

Of course a work of this nature is based on the study of two sources of informa- 
tion, viz., written records and the material relics of ancient culture, and the proportion 
of success which it achieves depends in a very great measure on the skill with 
which the author supplements the first with the second, and interprets the second in 
the light of the first. M. Beuchat certainly has an extremely good knowledge of 
the literature of his subject, and though a slight weakness as regards books and 
papers written in English may be apparent from time to time, few experts have 
covered as wide a range as he. His acquaintance with what I may call the material 
archaeology of America is, however, not nearly so extensive, and it is from this point 
of view that his book affords the greatest scope for criticism. The material remains 
for the most part stone implements, pottery, and so forth receive comparatively 
short treatment, and areas concerning which literature is relatively scanty, however 
rich in remains they may be, are treated rather too summarily. This is especially 
noticeable as regards Costa Rica, and the reader is made to feel throughout that the 
author's interest in his subject is concentrated on the literary side, while his appre- 
ciation of "specimens" is not nearly so keen. In fact, the book was written in the 
library with little reference to the museum. Thus he devotes over thirty pages to 

f 43 ] 

No. 24.] MAN. [1914, 

the Mexican calendar and writing system, and less than three to Mexican pottery. 
It is from this point of view that the illustrations are not very satisfactory ; they 
do not afford a comprehensive view of American culture as a whole. In number 
and, with few exceptions, in individual quality they leave little to be desired, but 
they are not altogether a representative selection. While on this subject the author 
should be urged to withdraw in future editions the abominable figure purporting to 
represent types of Chiriqui pottery, which constitutes a cruel libel on those who, of 
all American potters, had perhaps the finest appreciation of form in the moulding of 
their vessels. 

The book starts with an introduction of over eighty pages devoted to the various 
" discoveries " of America. This is followed by a series of chapters on the northern 
continent, its geological periods, human remains, problematical paleoliths, the mounds, 
and cliff-dwellings. The question of early man in South America is then treated, and 
the author proceeds to deal with the Mexican and Mayan cultures. The Antilles 
follow next, and then the Isthmus, Columbia, Peru, and the Diaguite area. Finally, a 
good index of some twenty-seven pages adds to the value of the book. 

It is obviously impossible to criticise the chapters in detail, but it may be said that 
those on the Mexican and Maya are the best ; that on Peru perhaps the least good. 

There are inevitably many individual points which the reviewer would like to 
criticise, but restraint is necessary, since the undoubted value of the volume might 
thereby become unfairly obscured. One or two only will therefore be mentioned. 

One would like to know on what ground the author calls Tlaloc "la vielle 
" divinite Otomie." It is almost incredible that this agricultural deity originated 
among a hunting people. Besides, Sahagun states that he was first worshipped by 
the Toltec, and that the first Chichimec invaders of the valley found there an 
idol of him which was adored in later times, until broken up by Zumarraga. Again, 
Tlaloc is the only deity who has been identified with certainty as portrayed by the 
figurines asssciated with the pre-Aztec culture at Teotihuacan. It would seem, 
therefore, that he was the god of the early valley-dwellers. In passing it may be 
mentioned that the stone knife with the fine mosaic hilt which the author figures 
is wrongly attributed as belonging to the Uhde Collection, it is in fact in the British 
Museum, while the spear-thrower which he refers to that institution is and the 
reviewer says so with regret not there, but belongs to the Dorenberg Collection. 

Another misstatement relates to the Kakchiquel calendar. M. Beuchat writes : 
" Les mois du calendrier Cakchiquel nous sont totalement inconnues," in spite of 
the fact that a full list is given by Brinton. 

His remarks about the distribution of amygdaloid celts in the Antilles are 
misleading, since this type is particularly prevalent in Jamaica. 

In writing of Colombia he makes the term guecha equivalent to " soldier," 
whereas it seems to have been a title conferred only on the bravest fighters. 

Of Cuzco, he says that at the conquest it played in Peru " la meme role que 
" Mexico vis-a-vis du Mexique." This is certainly not the case. All that the 
Mexicans required from the other cities was a recognition of priority in the con- 
crete form of tribute ; otherwise they abstained from interference in political or 
religious matters. The Inca, however, imposed their own laws, state religion, and 
social system on the provinces they conquered, and in reality stood at the head of 
an empire such as never entered into the minds of the Aztec. 

It is incorrect also to state of the Peruvians as a whole, " Le tatouage semble 
" aussi leur avoir ete inconnue," in the face of the discovery at Ancon, by Reiss 
and Stiibel, of human remains with the tatu clearly evident. 

Equally incorrect is the statement, " Les Peruviens ne tissaient pas, au sens 
" que nous attachous a ce terme." The existence in considerable quantities of 

[ 44 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos. 24-25. 

undoubtedly pre-Spanish, double-faced textiles, and of a loom with two heddles 
(in the British Museum), on which a piece of cloth is in process of manufacture, is 
sufficient evidence to the contrary. 

There are a number of other points regarding which the reviewer would challenge 
M. Beuchat's verdict, but the present occasion is hardly suitable. It will be pleasanter, 
and also more fair, to conclude by once more paying a tribute to the author's industry 
and level-headedness, combined with his generosity in the matter of footnotes, which 
renders his book of considerable value as a work of reference for students of American 
archaeology. T. A. J. 

Archaeology : Mesopotamia. Handcock. 

Mesopotnmian Archceology. By P. S. P. Handcock. London : Macmillan 
& Co., 1912. Pp. 423 + xvi. With illustrations and maps. 

This book gives in a handy form the chief results of excavations in Mesopotamia 
by the numerous explorers who during the last seventy years have risked their lives 
in trying to pierce the mysteries of the past in that wild and unhealthy region. 
They have collected evidence which will be invaluable to historians when the time 
is ripe for constructing a connected history of early civilisations. Mr. Handcock 
does not profess any intention of attempting to write a portion of such a history, 
he has merely classified his material under various headings such as Architecture, 
Sculpture, Dress, Life, etc. 

He has, however, prefaced his work by a short account of the various States 
that struggled for existence or supremacy until the Assyrian crushed them all under 
his iron heel. As regards the earlier periods, such a sketch is at present chietly 
a bald chronicle of names of rulers and of cities, with dates more or less hypothetical 
until about 2000 B.C. or even later. Of the origins of the two contending races, the 
Semites and the Sumerians, very little is known, but as the sea covered a great 
part of Mesopotamia until a few thousand years ago, we shall probably have to seek 
for their origins in the higher lands of Arabia and Persia. Mr. Handcock's account 
of their burial places is very meagre, and he does not even mention Bahrein Island, 
in the Persian Gulf, where so many thousand tombs await the explorer, and where 
excavations will shortly be made that may throw a much needed light on the burial 
customs and racial affinities of the Mesopotamians. 

He is equally reticent about the German explorations at Fara, and though he 
alludes to them several times he gives no definite references and does not warn his 
readers of the difficulties they would have in trying to get more information from 
that quarter. The comparatively modern remains of Assyria and Babylon fill up 
the greater part of the book, which is quite a mine of information on this subject. 
It is a pity that the exigencies of the publishing trade compelled recourse to outline 
sketches instead of photographs of most of the objects. Such sketches are useful 
reminders to those who are acquainted with the originals, but are of little value to 
those who have not easy access to the objects themselves or to the very expensive 
reports which contain better illustrations of them. 

The style of the letterpress is necessarily somewhat dry, and it would have 
been better if the sentences had not been so lengthy some of them are more than 
half a page long. It is perhaps fortunate that the author has touched very lightly 
upon anthropological subjects, since he has the literary man's weakness for using 
technical and out-of-the-way terms even when common-place words would be more 
accurate. Why should he say " specific gravity " when he means weight (p. 255) ? 
Is an under garment well described by being called a " fringed robe or chasuble " 
(p. 345) ? and can a fragment of mother of pearl be said to have " emanated " from 
a place (p. 311) ? H, G, SPEARING. 

[ 45 ] 

Nos. 26-27.] MAN, [1914. 

Sociology. Webster. 

Rest Days ; a Sociological Study. By Hutton Webster, Ph.D. Reprinted OH 
from the University Studies, Lincoln, Nebraska. Vol. XI. Nos. 1 and 2. U 
Pp. 158. 

The value of Professor Webster's work is well known to anthropologists from 
his, by now, classical study on Secret Societies. The present little book presents 
the same qualities : a thoroughly scientific limitation in drawing only sound and 
well-established conclusions, a vast knowledge of the field of his research, and a 
great talent in putting facts together and letting them speak for themselves. 

As Professor Webster promises to publish the results of his studies in an 
amplified form, a few words about the present issue may be sufficient. Professor 
Webster classifies the various forms of rest days iinder the following headings : 
Periods of abstinence at critical epochs, periods of abstinence after death, at sacred 
times and seasons and periods of abstinence connected with lunar phenomena. These 
categories refer to savage peoples. There are besides two chapters on Semitic rest 
days : the evil days of the Babylonians and the Hebrew Sabbath. Lastly, the 
unlucky days in the lower and higher cultures are analysed. 

In conclusion Professor Webster remarks that the various superstitions about 
fatal, nnlucky, and unfavourable periods have been often a hindrance to human 
progress, and that the development from days of superstitious abstinence into regular 
holidays has been extremely slow. 

This conclusion of Professor Webster's appears, however, somewhat one-sided. 
It. seems to heed exclusively the dark side of the picture. The irrational and super- 
stitious rest days of the savage may have had some importance in the course of 
economic progress. The economic value of holidays in our present society is well 
recognised, and has received a legal sanction in nearly all civilised countries. 

The primitive rest days could not have had the importance of the modern 
holiday, in as far as this is a day of abstinence from labour. The savage never 
works too hard and there is no danger from that quarter. But the savage's 
mode of working is pre-eminently irregular, unsystematic, and desultory, and, as 
Professor Biicher has shown in his admirable work on primitive economics, it needs 
in the first place to be shaped, regulated, and framed. Now, primitive rest days 
appear, prima facie, to be such external regulators of labour, frames into which the 
economic activities must be fitted. This seems to apply to the rest days and con- 
nected festivities observed by the Kayans of Borneo at the sowing and harvesting 
of rice. The superstitious and religious rites, as well as times of abstinence, observed 
at such times, did certainly hamper the economic activities, but at the same time 
they regulated them. 

The savage lacks economical foresight and a developed economic organisation 
of collective labour. He has other stimuli, other external coercion to be put to 
work. Superstitious and religious ideas are undoubtedly one of them ; magic and 
religion did certainly play an important part in man's economic evolution, a part 
hitherto almost entirely ignored by students. B. M. 

Uganda. Kagwa. 

Ekitabo kya Basekabaka Bcbuganda. By Sir A polo Kagwa, K.C.M.G. 
London : Luzac & Co., 1912. 

More than fifteen years ago the Katikiro of Uganda began to help two missionaries 
to learn the history and customs of his country ; and he has pursued the study with 
singular keenness and acumen. To the personal influence of the Katikiro himself we 
owe a recent book in English on the Baganda* ; the information therein contained was 

* The Baganda, Kev. J. Koscoe. 
[ 46 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No, 27. 

gathered from representative old men, who for the European would have been quite 
unapproachable, and in some degree also unintelligible, without the Katikiro. In 
the early stages of this enquiry he began to write down the traditional history of 
his country ; he also kept many records of the stirring times in his own eventful 
life, and, through the kindness of a personal friend, the collection so made was 
privately printed as far back as 1901. We now welcome a second edition under the 
a?gis of well-known publishers. It contains one very important addition, viz., some 
extremely valuable notes on the history of the closely allied kingdoms of Ankole, 
Toro, Koki, and Bunyoro. They are of necessity scanty.; the author had very limited 
sources of information, but he has made the most of them. What is locally accepted 
is put down with faithfulness, without note or comment. Our purpose shall be to 
add that comment which the wider outlook of many European students has made 

We might, indeed, enlarge on the comparatively recent history of the country to 
which about one-half of the old edition was devoted ; in doing so we should obtain 
an autobiography of the author, a most striking personality, written Avith singularly 
little egoism, considering the important role he played. Sir Apolo Kagwa might well be 
called the Bismarck of Uganda, and his autobiography is consequently of the deepest 
interest to all his many personal friends. That is one half of the book ; the other half 
is a record of inestimable value for the ethnologist. There can be little doubt but that 
in Uganda is to be found at least one link that connects Hottentot with Berber. To 
Uganda, no less than to Ankole, in prehistoric times there came a visitor from heaven, 
the mythical ancestor of the race. That, in peasant parlance, expresses the arrival 
of a light-skinned race ; more than once has the present writer been so greeted ; 
similar usage was reported from the distant and quite unrelated country of Usukuma, 
at the south-east corner of the lake. The date of this migration is fixed by the list 
of kings at thirty-one generations ; for Kiwewa and Kalema were mere usurpers who 
only held power a few months. 

The centre of this movement was Ankole ; and from Ankole migration continued. 
The first king of Ankole was called Ruhanga a word used in a sense equivalent to 
God, as the one who apportions to men the work they are capable of doing. He 
left and went to heaven and was lost ; in other words, the route of migration was 
still open and he returned to his own people, or more probably the movement 
continued southwards ; the second king Lugaba did much the same ; so also did 
the third king Nyamate. Thus in Ankole it was not until the fourth king, after 
an interval of three full generations or ninety years that mention is distinctly made 
of building a royal residence. On the other hand, in the history of Uganda proper, 
even the first mythical king Kintu begins almost at once to build ; he is a residential 
ruler, not a mere nomad halting for twenty years or so on his way elsewhere. 

Koki and Toro are much later offshoots of this movement, the dates being 
approximately fixed in this history, viz., Koki about nine generations back, say roughly, 
250 years ; and Toro only four, or little more than a century ago. Both these 
originated from Bunyoro, not Uganda ; but the history does not enlighten us a& 
to the origin of Buuyoro. The constant rivalry between Uganda and Bunyoro 
points to a common origin under the influence of the Hamitic migrants who made 
their centre in Ankole. Linguistic evidence, so far as the writer has followed it, 
confirms this view ; the original prototype for the language of Uganda is distinct 
from the prototype for Bunyoro. The latter is to be found in all Bantu languages 
of the district ; the former is traceable amongst the Tonga clans on the north of 
the Zambesi, and possibly also much further south in Herero. 

But the Uganda tradition claims that these ancestors arrived at a landing- 
place called Podo. Podo in this second edition is now said to be in Bunyoro : 
that is, Bunyoro was the first country traversed by these Hamites. The tradition, 

[ 47 ] 

Nos, 27-29.] MAN. [1914. 

however, much more likely preserves their place of origin. They came from Podo 
or were connected with Podo ; and phonetically there is nothing impossible in the 
identity of this word with Ful, the great Fula race of to-day, some sections of 
which still describe themselves with the prefix Futa, such as Futa-Jalon : and 
the Fnla are typically Hamitic in language. W. A. CRABTREE. 

Religion. Main. 

Religious Chastity: an Ethnological Study. By John Main. New York, Afl 
1913. fcO 

There is room for a work on the important subject of the sexual element in 
religion and in magic. This book (which has been written by a lady under a 
pseudonym, and appears to have been privately printed, since no publisher's name 
appears upon it) by no means covers the ground. But it contains a considerable 
collection of records of tales, practices and superstitions in various parts of the 
world, relating mainly to the asceticism and immolation of widows, and to conti- 
nence and prostitution in the service of the gods. The psychology of the subject, 
though referred to in the preface ; is scarcely touched ; and we are told somewhat 
oracularly that the ethnologist should not " rashly trespass upon the historian." 
These limitations reduce the value of the work. But students will find it useful, 
for the author's reading has been wide, and they will obtain many hints where to 
look for practices to which they may be directing attention. 


India : Cochin. Iyer. 

The Cochin Tribes and Castes. By L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer. OQ 
Vol. II., 23 x 15 cm., pp. xxiii + 504. Madras, 1912. U 

The second volume of this account of The Tribes and Castes of the Cochin 
State is an improvement on its predecessor, because the writer, a Tamil Brahman, 
is more familiar with the higher castes than with the menial and forest tribes. In 
the present instalment the author deals with at least five interesting groups, the 
Nayars, the Brahmans, the Mappillas, the Black and White Jews, and the Syrian 
Christians. The general results of the investigation are well described in the 
Introduction by Professor A. C. Haddon. It is impossible here to give even a 
nummary of the interesting material now supplied ; only the general features of the 
volume can be briefly indicated. In the first place, we find a comprehensive account 
of the Nayars with their strange social organisation and their marriage system, with 
its bearing on the question of polyandry. Secondly, the author gives a full account 
of that remarkable people, the Nambutiri Brahmans, who, more than any of the 
existing Brahman groups, maintain the Vedic traditions. This forms a useful 
addition to the information already collected by Messrs. Thurston and Fawcett. 
Thirdly, he deals with the Mappillas, a race of Musalmans by religion, who have in 
recent times more than once endured attacks by British troops as the result of 
fanatical outbreaks. Lastly come the Black and White Jews and the Syrian 
Christians, who illustrate the development of Semitic dogmas and ritual in an 
Oriental environment. 

The book, as a whole, will be useful as au addition to Mr. Thurston's great 
work on The Tribes and Castes of Southern India. It would possess higher 
value if the author's training in anthropology and comparative religion had been 
more thorough, but when he describes races with whom he is personally familiar, 
his contributions deserve attention. The volume is well illustrated by a fine series 
of photographs, and is issued at the expense of the Raja and State authorities, who 
deserve congratulation on their liberality. It is understood that the author has col- 
lected a considerable number of measurements of the people under his charge, and it 
may be hoped that these will be published without delay. W. CROOKE. 

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C. 




MAS, 1914. 


1914,] MAN. [Nos. 30-31. 


With Plate D. 

Africa, South : Archaeology. Doux. 

Stone Implements from South Africa. By J. Lee Doux. Qfl 

Whilst at the diamond diggings at Windsorton, on the bank of the Vaal UU 
River, I found a number of stone implements. I kept a few of the best specimens 
of different types, but had to leave some very bulky ones behind. The claims I 
worked were in the " deep ground," necessitating the sinking of a shaft to reach 
the diamondiferous gravel. First of all there was a layer of red brick earth of 
varying depth, according to whether the shaft was being sunk on high ground or 
in a depression on the veldt. Having gone through this earth, which might be from 
6 feet to 12 feet in depth, a bed of gravel of about 12 feet in thickness was come 
upon, and then a shale or " cement " bottom was reached. It was stated that a 
further layer of gravel lay under this, but I did not investigate the matter. It 
was whilst sieving the gravel that I came across a number of stone implements of 
various types. The gravel consisted of very rounded boulders of all sizes, but chiefly 
of one sort of rock, close grained and of a dark slatey-blue colour when broken. 
Mixed up with these were stones, pebbles, and sand, and such things as agates, 
crystals, garnets, cat's-eyes, &c. Some pretty effects were obtained by keeping vari- 
coloured pebbles in a white dish of water. Most of the implements found were of 
the same stone as the boulders. Seeing how extremely water-worn this gravel is, 
the diamonds even being slightly worn, it is curious that some of the implements 
found in it should be quite sharp-edged. Besides the specimens discovered in the 
gravel, I picked up one (stained red) on the surface of the veldt. This last speci- 
men might be presumed to be of later date than those found deep in the gravel, 
and therefore better made and shaped, whereas it is a clumsy looking tool compared 
with many of the latter. Whilst walking on the present bed of the river, in the 
dry season, I picked up a dark grey implement of a shape somewhat different from 
the others. Arrow heads have been found in the same position, but I did not find 
any myself. There are several beds of gravel along the banks of the river of 
various depths and composition and at different levels, -some having no overburden 
of red brick earth. With the exception of the specimen found on the veldt and 
the one on the river bed, all my implements came from one particular bed of gravel, 
as described above. Not being a scientist, I cannot give any information concerning 
the geology of this part of Africa, and I had no means of ascertaining the level 
of the different beds of gravel compared with that of the present river bed. 


England: Archaeology. Smith. 

Flint Implements from the Crayford Brick-earths. />'// /,'. . /. Smith. fll 

The announcement made by Mr. Higgins in MAN, 1914, No. 4, and the Ul 
note appended to it, have given rise to some misunderstanding, and a few words 
of explanation follow. 

At the November meeting I was invited to open the discussion, and not having 
seen or heard of anything of the same type from the Crayford site, pointed out the 
close relation of the flints to the Northfleet series, and subsequently reduced my 
remarks to writing. Neither Mr. Higgins nor myself intended to go more fully into 
the matter, but mention should have been made of the fact that the brick-earths 
have for years been attributed to the period of Le Moustier. Mr. Leach has kindly 
supplied me with references to passages in Proc. Geol. Assoc., which express the 
prevailing opinion, but which are not accompanied by descriptions or illustrations of 

C 49 ] 

Nos, 31-32.] 



the flints on which the chronology is based. As late as 1912 the question was 
regarded as still open by himself and Mr. Chandler, iu their report on an excursion 
to Erith (ibid., xxiii., 189). Mr. Worthington Smith, whose opinion was quoted and 
accepted by Messrs. Hiuton and Kennard in 1905, writes in reply to my inquiry 
that he cannot remember saying or writing anything about the Crayford pit, or 
discussing it in any way, though he has a few relics from the site. Having never 
joined an excursion to Crayford, I was quite unaware of the nature or existence 
of flint-finds other than Mr. Spurrell's series in the Natural History Museum, which 
(I repeat) as a group hardly present Le Moustier features. The fauna has already 
been carefully worked out, especially by Mr. Hinton ; and Mr. Higgins does not 
claim to have collected any new species, but, having secured some datable flints, very 
naturally proceeded to publish the find. Mr. Chandler's report on the Geologists' 
Association's excursion to Crayford in June was published too late for notice, but 
there are other claims to priority, and Mr. Higgins joins with me in expressing 
regret that they should have been, overlooked. R. A. SMITH. 

Jersey : Archseology. Marett : de Gruchy. 

Excavation of a Barrow called La Hougue de Vinde, situated at QO 

Noirmont, Jersey. By R. R. Marett and G. F. B. de Gruchy. Ufa 

This barrow was examined and partially excavated by the Societe Jersiaise in 

May 1881, and a report of the work done appeared in Bulletin No. VII of that 

Society, dated 1882. Apart from the 
fact that the mound contained a wall 
of dry rubble, roughly circular in shape, 
little was discovered, but indications 
were noticed of disturbance at some 
earlier period, while a sixteenth-cen- 
tury coin occurred deep in the mound. 
The actual finds within the wall were 
a stone hammer, a few flint flakes 
one showing signs of work and a few 
fragments of pottery. 

The present writers, one of whom 
owns the property, decided to make 
further researches, and in August of 
last year engaged workmen to clear 
out the whole central portion of the 
mound. The barrow stands upon the 
plateau of the Warren of Noirmont 
Manor, at about 200 feet above sea 
level, on a site affording a clear view 
in all directions. At the time of the 
excavations of 1881 the mound stood 
about 4 feet to 5 feet in height above 
the level of the surrounding moorland. 
It was composed of earth which must 
have been brought from some little 


Sketch plan showing outer rubble wall and remains of an 
iuiier riug of large stones. 

distance, the immediate neighbourhood not affording a sufficient supply. Below this 
earth was reached a level surface of much harder earth, which was doubtless the 
original floor, as it agrees in level with the surrounding land surface. The floor in 
question is quite 18 inches below the levels of the trenches made in 1881. It is due 

[ 53 ] 



[No. 32. 

simply to the shallowness of these trenches, and to the partial nature of the former 
excavation, that the stone circle about to be described was not then discovered. The 
heads of four of the stones were actually uncovered, and are roughly indicated in the 
plan attached to the 1881 report, being, however, erroneously represented as forming 
:i straight line. The rubble wall turned out to be built upon a foundation of larger 
weather-worn boulders, and to be some 42 inches in height, not 18 inches as stated 
in the report. Inside this wall, and roughly concentric with it, were found the 
remains of an inner ring of flat stones set up on edge, those remaining in situ (1-4, 
57, and 811 in plan) forming three arcs of a true circle of 11 ft. 2 ins. radius. The 
error was not more than 2 inches to 3 inches, implying about as accurate a piece of 
work as it is possible to accomplish with rough stones. One of the slabs of stone 
(7) was tilted inwards at an angle of about 50 degrees. There also occurred a 
slab (12), similar to those forming the ring, standing upright but at nearly a right 

IE. G niton 

angle to the next slab in the ring. As the gap so left coincides with an old trench 
from outside, it seems probable that this slab was shifted into this position in driving 
this trench. The slabs forming the ring vary from 39 inches to 18 inches in height, 
and from 40 inches to 17 inches in width. Where the earth was least disturbed (8-11 
in plan) the ring was heightened to about 45 inches by a well-fitted rubble coping 
built on top of the slabs. All round the inside of the ring, but not in the centre, 
we found quantities of sharp-edged stones, none too large to be lifted by hand, upon 
the floor or piled against the slabs of the ring. These showed no appearance of 
having been arranged as a flooring, and may be attributed to the demolition of 
a similar rubble coping all round the ring. Of larger stones within the ring 
there occurred one weather-worn boulder (13) apparently in situ, and two others 
embedded in the earth of previous excavations which had evidently been moved. 
All the stones used seem to be of the granite which outcrops in the near 

[ 51 ] 

No, 32.] MAN. [1914. 

Inside the ring we found no traces of a dolmen or kist, no limpet shells, only 
three sherds of pottery, and these probably recent, and very few flakes of flint. The 
paucity of flint flakes is remarkable, since the soil for more than 100 yards round 
the barrow is full of them, some showing clear signs of human work of the crude 
neolithic type common in Jersey. Specimens of these flakes may be seen in the 
Museum of the Societe Jersiaise. It is to be noted that, apart from disturbance caused 
by earlier excavations, the mound was riddled with rabbit holes, and hence afforded 
ample opportunity for objects on the surface to find their way below ground. Inside 
the mound occurred a number of beach pebbles. These were mostly of small size, but 
one was large and of remarkable appearance, being shaped like a mattock, square at 
one end and pointed at the other. It is composed of diorite or diabase, measures 
15 inches by 6 inches by 1|- inches thick, and weighs 5^ English Ibs. ; it shows no 
traces of grinding, nor perhaps any signs of use. 

This barrow, though it proved so barren of " finds " whereby its age might be 
accurately determined, is of interest for two reasons : Firstly, the presence of two 
circular walls, the inner one consisting of large stones, makes it unique, it would 
seem, among known examples. Secondly, the absence of any trace of a dolmen or 
kist makes the original purpose and age of the erection something of a mystery. 
It is highly improbable that a dolmen, and only somewhat less improbable that a 
kist, should be removed without leaving any trace behind. 

Dry-walling occurs in association with several of the Jersey dolmens, a single 
circular wall of rubble encircling Les Cinq Pierres, while at Faldouet there was actually 
a double circle of nibble-walling, to judge from certain remains found on the east 
side. (See R. R. Marett, Archaologia, LXIII (1912), 217/z.) Outside the Channel 
Islands, we find an encircling wall composed of loose slabs of lias, from 34^ to 
44^ inches high, and with a radius of about 13 ft. 9 ins., in Wick Barrow, Somerset, 
which is proved by the contained pottery to belong to the Early Bronze Age. 
Curiously enough, here, as at La Hougue de Vinde, a chance coin betrayed the 
incursions of ancient treasure-seekers, in this case Romans of the fourth century, A.D., 
whose forcible entry through the wall was marked by the displaced stones. (Sec 
H. St. George Gray, Report on the Excavations at Wick Barrow, Stogursey, Somer- 
setshire. Taunton, 1908.) The same author in his careful memoir cites as a parallel 
from the British Islands a circular wall, apparently of 12 ft. 7 ins. radius and about 
4 feet high, built of somewhat heavy blocks that were found within the " horned " cairn 
of Ormiegill, Caithness ; while round various British long barrows dry-walling occurs, 
or even in short lengths within them. He likewise compares a walled enclosure, 
surrounding a stone cairn, that was discovered within a barrow at Asbo, Ribe County, 
Jutland, Denmark, and two similar wall-circles existing within tumuli in the district 
of Jaederen, Norway, all three examples dating from the Early Bronze Age. (Gray, 
ib., 53-9.) We are, perhaps, justified on the strength of these analogies in pro- 
visionally assigning La Hougue de Vinde to the same period, more especially in view 
of its position on ground which commands an unobstructed sea-prospect, a situation 
common to Wick Barrow and various Scandinavian burial sites of the Bronze Age. 
(Cf. Gray, ib., 9 and 60.) 

Herewith are a view of the inside of the barrow, looking east, which was kindly 
taken for us by Mr. E. Guiton, and a sketch plan showing the outer rubble wall and 
the inner ring of stones. The earth excavated has not been replaced, and this inner 
ring is consequently to be seen and studied in the state in which it was discovered. 


[ 52 

1914.] MAN. [No, 33. 

Australia. Brown. 

The Relationship System of the Dieri Tribe. By A. ft. Brown. QQ 

In Howitt'rf description of the relationship system of the Dieri tribe in UU 
Native Tribes of South-east Australia, there are one or two errors, and a number 
of obscurities that are possibly due to errors. 

In the second paragraph on p. 166, referring to the numbers of the genealogical 
table, Howitt writes, " No. 1 is the Kaka of 13-14 and 15-16. No. 2 is in the same 
" relation to them, because he is in the relation of Ngaperi to them." This sentence 
as it stands is nonsense. Kaka is "mother's brother" and ngaperi is "father." 
The statement that a man is mother's brother to another because he is also father to 
him does not seem to have any meaning. I cannot guess what Howitt may have 
meant to write. 

In the same paragraph a little further on, we find the following sentence, 
" This man No. 13 is also the Kaka of 39 and 40, under the Kanini arrangement, 
" because their mother is the sister of the woman No. 3, the mother of 13, and 
44 therefore stands in the relation of Ngandri to him." This sentence as it stands 
is also meaningless, but the correction in this case is a simple one. It should read 
" because their mother's mother is the sister," etc. 

In the paragraph at the foot of p. 162, Howitt writes that " the children of a 
" woman are considered as being the younger brothers and sisters (Ngatata) of her 
" father. Moreover, this carries with it all the consequential relationships." If this 
statement be correct it introduces the most astonishing confusion into the Dieri 
relationship system. If I belong to the Kararu division of the tribe my brothers and 
sisters (neyi, kaku, and ngatata) all belong to the same division. On the other hand, 
my mother's father belongs to the Matteri division. It seems unlikely, on the face 
of it, that the use of the term neyi should be so extended that I can apply it to men 
of the opposite division to my own. 

Moreover, Howitt says that the relationship carries with it all the consequential 
relationships. Some of these are as follows : 

(1) I am father (ngaperi) to my mother's brother, since my mother's father is 
his father and is also my brother. 

(2) I am brother to my wife. I am ngatata (younger brother) to my mother's 
father, and therefore to my mother's father's sister. My mother's father's sister is 
elder sister (kaku) to my noa (mother's mother's brother's daughter's daughter) these 
two being kanini-kaku and kanini-ngatata to one another (Howitt, p. 163). As the 
woman I must marry is my mother's mother's brother's daughter's daughter (my noa) 
it follows that any woman whom I may many is my sister. 

(3) I am similarly noa (potential husband) to my sister. 

It is unnecessary to trace out all the relationships that would follow from 
Howitt's statement quoted above. The three examples given are sufficient to show 
that if that statement be correct the Dieri relationships are very complicated and 

It seems to me that a state of affairs in which I am brother to my wife, husband 
to my sister, father to my mother's brother, &c., is improbable, and that Howitt's 
statement is wrong. I would suggest that the sentence quoted should read, "The 
" children of a man are considered as being the younger brothers and sisters of his 
" father, and this carries with it all the consequential relationships," or alternatively 
" the children of a woman are considered as being the younger brothers and sisters 
" of her mother, etc." 

As the basis of the proposed emendation I have made the assumption that a 
man only applies the terms brother and sister to persons of the same division as 
himself. Thus, if I belong to the Kararu division, I applv the terms for brother 

No. 33.] MAN. [1914. 

and sister to the men and women of my own generation who belong to the same 
(i.e., the Kararti) division. The peculiar feature of the Dieri system is that I also 
apply the same terms (brother and sister), in a looser way, to some of my grand- 
parents. Now it seems on the whole probable that the grandparents to whom I should 
apply the terms would be those of the same division as myself. These are fonr in 
number, father's father (yenku\ father's father's sister, mother's mother (kunhii), 
and mother's mother's brother (kanini). We know from Howitt that a man does 
regard his kanini (mother's mother and her brother) as his elder brother and sister 
(see p. 163). We are not told that a man is also regarded as the younger brother 
of his father's father (yenku\ but it seems probable that this is so. 

If this emendation be accepted the Dieri system is very simple and easy to 
understand. I apply the terms neyi and kaku in the first place to my brothers and 
sisters and to my father's brother's sons and daughters, i.e., to the men and women 
of my own division and of my own generation. In a more extended use of the 
terms I apply them to the men and women of my own division who belong to the 
generation of my grandparents, i.e., to my father's father and my mother's mother 
and their brothers and sisters. I do not, however, apply these terms to men and 
women of the other division, such as my father's mother. 

Another suggestion that I wish to make is concerned with the term nadada, 
which Howitt never precisely defines. On p. 160 he translates nadada as meaning 
"mother's father," and this is repeated on p. 162. The more usual term for "mother's 
father" is kami, as stated on p. 164, fifth line from the bottom. (In the list of terms 
on p. 160 the "mother father's " opposite kami should obviously be "mother's father.") 
The question at once arises why there should be two terms, kami and nadada, both 
applicable to the same relative (mother's father). We learn from Howitt that kami 
is applicable to a mother's father, mother's father's brother, mother's brother's son 
and daughter, and daughter's son and daughter (female speaking), or sister's daughter's 
son and daughter (male speaking). A man may not marry a woman who is his 
kami, and therefore the term kami may not be applied to a noa (mother's mother's 
brother's daughter's daughter). We learn that the term nadada is applicable to a 
mother's father, mother's father's brother, daughter's son and daughter (female 
speaking), sister's daughter's son and daughter (male speaking), and also to a 
mother's mother's brother's daughter's daughter (noa]. This last relationship is 
explained by Howitt in connection with the statement of the natives that " those 
" who are noa are nadada to each other." It is obvious, therefore, that the term 
nadada is not simply an equivalent for kami, since my noa is my nadada but is 
not my kami. 

I venture to suggest that the term nadada is really the term for " father's 
mother " and " father's mother's brother," and that it is only used in a looser and 
more extended sense to apply to a mother's father. 

It is then easy to see how it comes about that all noa are nadada. I am 
younger brother (ngatata) to my father's father's sister, and she is nadada (father's 
mother) to the woman I call noa. Jt follows that as I am brother to the nadada 
of my noa I am nadada to the latter and she is nadada to me. Howitt shows 
the same thing by taking other relatives. I am younger brother (ngatata) to my 
mother's mother's brother (kanini), who is kami-nadada to my noa (his daughter's 
daughter), and I am therefore also nadada to her. 

If this suggestion be accepted it shows us that the Dieri system is wonderfully 
simple and logical, and quite in agreement with other systems of Australia. This 
may be seen from the accompanying genealogical table, which is compiled on the 
assumption that the suggestions made in this note are correct. 

It may be worth while to point out on this occasion how clearly the system 

[ 54- ] 



[No. 33. 





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Nos. 33-34,] MAN. [1914. 

of relationship proves the existence of the four matrimonial classes in the Dieri 
tribe.* As the classes are not named we may denote them by the letters A, B, 
C, D, the classes A and C forming the division Kararu, and the classes B and D 
forming the division Matteri. If I belong to the division Kararu and the class A, 
then that class consists of the men and women I call yenku, neyi, kaku, ngaiata, 
and kanini. The class C (the other class of my own division) is composed of 
the men and women whom I call ngandri, kaka, taru, and tidnara. The class B, 
from which I must take my wife, contains the relatives whom I call nadada, kami, 
noa, and kadi. The class D (which is the class of my father) contains the relatives 
I call ngaperi papa, paiara, and ngatamura. 

Stating in terms of the class system the suggestions made in this note, they 
are that a man of the class A applies the terms neyi, kaku, and ngatata (brother 
and sister) only to persons of his own class, and applies the term nadada only to 
persons of the class B from which he must take his wife. A. R. BROWN. 

Melanesia : Migrations. Friederici. 

Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer amtlichen Forschungsreise nach dem 
Bismarck- Archipel im Jahre 1908. Untersuchungen iiber eine Melanesische 
Wanderstrasse. Von Dr. Georg Friederici, Hauptmann, A. D. Mit einer Karte. 
Wissenschaftliche Beiheft zum Deutschen Kolonialblatte. Mitteilungen aus dem 
Deutschen Schutzgebieten. Ergiinzungsheft, Nr. 7. Berlin, 1913. 

In the second volume of the " Scientific Results " of the Hanseatic South-Sea 
Expedition of 1908, Dr. G. Friederici gave for the first time a comprehensive 
account of the ethnography and linguistics of the Bismarck Archipelago. (See MAN, 
1912, No. 110.) This showed a good deal of relationship between the arts and 
languages of the archipelago and those of Eastern Indonesia, and the purpose of the 
present and third volume of the series is systematically to set forth the evidence for 
the theory of a Melanesian Wander-Stream from the West. 

The Melanesians are regarded as having come from that part of Indonesia which 
extends from the Southern Islands of the Philippine group, through the Minahasa 
peninsula of Celebes, to the Moluccas in the neighbourhood of Burn and Ceram. 
From the Moluccan region they passed north of New Guinea to the region about 
Vitiaz and Dampier Straits, which Dr. Friederici regards as the gateways of 
Melanesia. In this region they colonised the northern shores of New Pommern, and 
part of the swarm, passing through Vitiaz Strait, settled along the eastern and 
south-eastern shores of New Guinea. Another stream through Dampier Strait passed 
to the Northern Louisiades, Southern Solomons, and Northern New Hebrides. The 
Philippine or sub-Philippine stream took a more northerly route, going by the 
Admiralty group to New Hannover, East New Mecklenburg, and the Solomons. 

The main evidence adduced by Dr. Friederici is linguistic, though he fully 
recognises its limitations in view of the very great variations in the physical characters 
and culture of the peoples discussed. But he maintains that a close likeness in the 

* It has been assumed by many writers (Howitt, Frazer, Thomas, Schmidt, etc.) that because 
the four matrimonial classes are not named in some Australian tribes, such as the Dieri, that they 
therefore do not exist. This assumption is entirely unjustifiable, and 1 do not know that any of 
these writers has attempted to justify it. By matrimouial classes I mean divisions of a tribe such 
as those named Ippai, Kubbi, Kumbo, and Murri in the Kamilaroi tribe. There is not a scrap of 
evidence at present for the existence in Australia of any tribe which has not four divisions of this 
kind, though in many tribes there seem to be no distinctive names for them. The four classes 
certainly do exist in some tribes in which they are not named, as the Luridya (southern branch), 
Arabana (Urabunua), Dieri, Wathi-wathi, Tyap-wurong, and probably also the Narrinyeri and 

[ 56 ] 

1914.] MAN. [Nos, 34-35. 

grammatical structure of the languages of two regions, with a considerable amount 
of agreement in the vocabulary, is evidence that the speakers of the common language 
reached both places. Hence he shows that the languages of the Barriai district of 
New Pommern, as well as those of the Melanesians of New Guinea, have a remarkable 
likeness in grammar and part of their word store to the Bahasa Tana of the Alfuru 
(or inlanders) of Ceram, and part also of their word store in common with the dialects 
of Minahasa. This indicates a common foundation for the languages of Ceram and 
Minahasa from which the Barriai and its relatives have been derived. 

The grammatical evidence is discussed in detail. Especially striking are the 
remarkable and similar variations in phonology in both regions, the correspondence in 
personal, possessive, and interrogative pronouns, in the position of the adjective, and 
in the particles and syatax of the verb. Many of the common characteristics are 
shown to extend to the languages of New Guinea, the Solomons, and New Hebrides. 
The position of the genitive, which in some languages precedes and in others follows 
the governing word, is regarded as important. Dr. Friederici's conclusion is that the 
Melanesians in general brought their own (preceding) genitive construction from their 
old home in the Moluccan region, but this has been changed in some places through 
the influence of the swarm coming from the Sub-Philippine region, who used the other 
(following) genitive construction. This influence is evident in New Hannover and 
East New Mecklenburg, and extended partly to the Solomons and New Hebrides. 

The agreements in vocabulary are illustrated by a tabular arrangement of 
117 words in seven language groups. The latter include on the Indonesian side : 
1. The Babasa Tana and Alfuru of Ceram. 2. The Alfuru of Buru. 3. The Alfuru 
of North-east Celebes. On the Melanesian side are grouped : 1. The Barriai and 
related dialects of New Pommern. 2. The Western Papuo-Melanesians of New Guinea. 
3. The Solomon Islands. 4. The Northern New Hebrides. Extensive explanatory 
and illustrative notes follow the tables, with many details of the Bismarck Archipelago 

But although his argument is mainly linguistic, Dr. Friederici has by no means 
neglected the ethnographical side. This was partly worked out in the second volume, 
and in the present book there is an important summary discussion on the distribution 
of houses, weapons, and other artifacts. These are shown generally to support the 
theory based on the languages. 

The connection of the Melanesians with Indonesia by way of the Vitiaz and 
Dampier Straits may be regarded as established by Dr. Friederici's evidence. The 
details of their dispersion among the islands is a problem of the future. The book 
shows evidence of very extensive study and inquiry, and, even apart from the theory 
involved, will form a most useful work for the illustration of the languages and 
material arts and crafts of Northern Melanesia. 

An index and a more extended linguistic map than that of New Mecklenburg 
contained in the second volume would have increased the use and value of the 
work. The present volume contains a map showing the routes of the migrations and 
the limits of the two kinds of genitive construction. SIDNEY H. RAY. 

Anthropological Teaching in the Universities. . OC 

At the recent meeting in Birmingham of the British Association for the UO 
Advancement of Science, the President of Section H, Sir Richard Temple, initiated 
a discussion on the practical application of anthropological teaching in Universities. 

Distinguished administrators, such as the Governor-General of the Sudan, 
Lieut-General Sir Reginald Wingate, G.C.V.O., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., Sir Frank 
Swetteuham, G.C.M.G., and Sir Everard im Thurn, K.C.M.G., C.B., strongly 

[ 57 ] 

No. 35.] MAN. [1914. 

supported the view that the most important qualifications for success in dealing in 
any capacity with peoples of alien culture are insight into and knowledge of the 
habits, customs, and ideas governing the conduct of those peoples. No less cordial 
was their agreement with the opinion that this necessary knowledge can be, and 
therefore ought to be, taught to all those whose careers place them amid the non- 
European races of the Empire, whether as members of the Civil and Military 
Services of the Crown, or as representatives of other Imperial interests, as merchants, 
missionaries, colonists, or as engaged in the various other forms of commercial 
enterprise upon the success of which the material prosperity of the Empire depends. 

These views are supported by the recent Royal Commission on University 
Education in London, in whose report it is stated that, " It is almost as important 
" that officials, and others intending to spend their lives in the East, or in parts of 
" the Empire inhabited by non-European races, should have a knowledge of their 
" racial characteristics as that they should be acquainted with their speech, and we 
" believe that the Colonial Office shares this view." 

A committee was appointed by the British Association for the purpose of 
devising practical measures for the organisation of anthropological teaching at the 
Universities in Great Britain and Ireland. With this committee was associated a 
committee appointed by the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute. These 
committees met in joint session under the chairmanship of Sir Richard Temple, and 
after thoroughly examining the question in all its aspects arrived at the following 
opinions : 

(1) An accurate acquaintance with the nature, habits, and customs of alien 

populations is necessary to all who have to live and work amongst them 
in any official capacity, whether as administrators, executive officers, 
missionaries, or merchants, because in order to deal effectively with any 
group of mankind it is essential to have that cultured sympathy with 
them that comes of sure knowledge. 

(2) Such knowledge in a considerable though varying degree is actually acquired 

by all who attain success in their work as the result of individual capacity 
and application. 

(3) The attainment of the degree of knowledge reached in such cases is a slow 

process occupying many years, because it has to be learnt empirically by 
persons without training in the correct methods of learning. 

(4) In the case of administrators and officials, the people whose lives they con- 

trol may and do suffer while they are learning, and thus in the absence 

of previous anthropological training their knowledge is gained at the 
people's expense. 

(5) In the case of missionaries and merchants, they cannot deal efficiently with 

the people to whom they are accredited until they have mastered the 
requisite knowledge about them, which, without previous anthropological 
training, can only be gained at the expense of those who have sent 
them abroad. 

(6) The science of Anthropology as now studied is a system of pursuing 

inquiries so as to arrive at a sure knowledge of the physical and mental 
development of groups of mankind, and the teaching of correct methods 
based on the continuous experience of expert scholars. 

(7) The science inculcates in students habits of accurate observation of the 

matters which it is useful to observe and of making correct deductions 
therefrom, and thus it enables them to arrive at the sure knowledge 
required in the shortest possible time. 

[ 58 ] 

1914.] MAN. [No. 35. 

And resolved that 

(a) It is necessary to organise the systematic teaching of Anthropology to 
persons either about to proceed to or actually working in those parts 
of the British Empire which contain populations alien to the British 

(b~) The organisation can best be dealt with by the collaboration of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute, the British Association, and the Univer- 
sities, with the support and co-operation of the Government, the Foreign 
Office, the India Office, the Colonial Office, and the Civil Service 

(c) It would be well for the organisation to take the form of encouraging 

the existing Schools of Anthropology at the Universities and the 
formation of such schools where none exist. 

(d) As laboratories, a library, and a museum, readily available for teaching 

students, are indispensable adjuncts to each school, it is desirable to 
encourage their formation where they are not already in existence. 
By the courtesy of the Master and Wardens of the Worshipful Company of 
Drapers of the City of London, a Conference to consider the findings and recommen- 
dations of the Joint Committee was held in the Hall of that Company on the afternoon 
of the 19th February 1914. The President of the Conference was the Right Hon. 
the Earl of Selborne, K.G., G.C.M.G., D.C.L. Among those who accepted invitations 
to be present were : 

The Right Hon. Ameer Ali, LL.D., C.I.E. (Privy Council). 

Henry Balfour, Esq. (Curator, Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford). 

C. O. Blagden, Esq. (Royal Asiatic Society). 

J. A. Bryce, Esq., M.P. 

Sir Edward Busk (Chairman of Convocation, University of London). 

Captain Muirhead Collins, C.M.G. (Acting Agent-General, Australia). 

Sir Henry Craik, K.C.B., M.P. 

Major R. L. Cummins, R.A.M.C. 

Laurence Currie, Esq. (India Council). 

S. Digby, Esq., C.I.E. (Royal Society of Arts). 

W. L. H. Duckworth, Esq., M.D. (representing the University of Cambridge). 

J. Edge-Partington, Esq. (Trustee, R.A.I.). 

Dr. J. D. Falconer (representing the University of Glasgow). 

Dr. L. R. Farnell (Rector of Exeter College, Oxford). 

Dr. E. Fawcett (representing the University of Bristol). 

Alexander Fiddian, Esq. (representing the Colonial Office). 

Professor H. J. Fleure (University College of Wales). 

Professor J. G. Frazer, D.C.L. (representing the British Science Guild). 

Dr. T. Gregory Foster (Provost of University College, London). 

Sir Krishna G. Gupta, K.C.S.I. (India Council). 

Dr. Haddon, F.R.S. (University Reader in Ethnology, Cambridge). 

Dr. Harrison (Horniman Museum). 

P. J. Hartog, Esq. (University of London). 

Professor Hepburn, M.D. (representing the University College of South Wales). 

Professor W. A. Herdmau, F.R.S. (representing the University of Liverpool). 

Dr. W. P. Herringham (Vice-Chancellor, representing the University of London). 

Sir Everard im Thurn, K.C.M.G., C.B. (representing the Royal Geographical 

Sir John Jardine, K.C.I.E., M.P. 

Hon. J. G. Jenkins (representing the London Chamber of Commerce). 

[ 59 ] 

No. 35.] MAN. [1914. 

Sir Harry Johnston, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 

T. A. Joyce, Esq. (British Museum). 

Professor Arthur Keith, F.R.S., President R.A.I, (representing the University 
of Aberdeen). 

H. G. A. Leveson, Esq., I.C.S. (Burma Commission). 

Sidney Low, Esq. (King's College, London). 

Sir Charles Lyall, K.C.S.I., C.I.E. (representing the Royal Asiatic Society). 

Dr. J. Mackay (University College, Dundee). 

H. J. Mackinder, Esq., M.P. 

Sir Philip Magnus, M.P. (London University). 

Dr. R. R. Marett (Reader in Social Anthropology, University of Oxford). 

Sir Richard Martin, Bart. (Trustee, R.A.I.). 

Sir Henry Miers, F.R.S. (Principal, University of London). 

Robert Mond, Esq. (representing the British Science Guild). 

Colonel Sir Matthew Nathan, Gr.C.M.Gr. (representing the African Society). 

Professor Carveth Read (University College, London). 

Sir Hercules Read, P.S.A. (British Museum). 

Sir J. D. Rees, K.C.I.E., C.V.O., M.P. 

Hon. Pember Reeves (London School of Economics). 

Professor Ridgeway